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A UP roller coaster

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Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay
Last Updated : Aug 21 2013 | 10:15 PM IST
BATTLEGROUND UP
Politics in the Land of Ram
Manish Tiwari and Rajan Pandey
Westland/Tranquebar; 279 pages; Rs 350

Lord Ram stopped being a major draw in contemporary politics of Uttar Pradesh from the day that Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) veteran Lal Krishna Advani described as the "saddest day" in his life. December 6, 1992, made many Muslims in India realise - as a journalist friend wrote at that time - what "it meant to be a Muslim". In the past two decades, this point became a narrative following a path of progression. The same cannot be said about the dispute over Ayodhya, and about Lord Ram, the mythological idol that is also considered an ideal by large sections of Hindus. Despite laborious attempts by the Sangh Parivar, people in Uttar Pradesh do not take to the streets in the name of Ram with the kind of hostility they once displayed. The first thought that crossed my mind when the book under review landed on my desk was whether the title was a tad dated.

In the introduction of his book Region, Nation, "Heartland": Uttar Pradesh in India's Body Politic, historian Gyanesh Kudaisya drew attention to what the master practitioner of politics and himself a "UP-wallah", Ram Manohar Lohia, observed about the state: in terms of culture, it is possible to delineate Uttar Pradesh into an eastern part (where Ram Bhakti is a prominent ethos) and a western region (which is the land of Krishna Leela). Western Uttar Pradesh yielded significant political dividend for the BJP in the polls in the past, but that was a different time. It is, however, myopic to look at Uttar Pradesh politics now through the prism of Ram Bhakti. This is truer because at least two political parties, the Samajwadi Party (SP) and the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), are nihilistic when it comes to the social order as espoused by the Sangh Parivar.

The two authors were academically mentored in New Delhi's Jawaharlal Nehru University, but followed different professional trajectories. Their aspirations are also dissimilar. The professional paths of the two converged for three brief periods in 2011 and 2012 when they undertook - in that order - a bike expedition from Delhi to Gorakhpur; a train journey from Delhi to Lucknow (in second class); and, finally, a two-month bike ride through the state. The book is the result of these journeys, undertaken without any plan, and probably merely as a furlough from other pursuits.

Therein lies the problem. If the book were intended to be written before the journey, then a structured outline was needed. If it was realised at the end of the three journeys so that the experiences could be spun into a political travelogue, then more finesse was needed - in form, style and content. Since the book is lacking in all three departments, it becomes difficult on several occasions to connect one segment with another.

There is a long and significant tradition of writing non-fiction books as non-representational accounts of contemporary existence. But for such accounts to sustain themselves between the book covers, there is a need for a narrative sutradhar or a theme that strings the pages, ideas and characters together. In the absence of either, the book leaves the reader with little to do but peck on one page before moving on to the next one.

There are six chapters titled in a self-explanatory manner: "The rally"; "War room and open fields"; "Why the Jumbo crashed"; "Politics of social engineering"; "Image of an average politician"; and "Of Gandhis and significant others". Each chapter has sub-sections. The first chapter devotes these portions to the following political parties: the BSP, BJP, SP and Congress. Reportage from a few rallies is given representational dimension and this is followed by a sub-section on rallies in western Uttar Pradesh. But why are there no similar sub-sections on other regions of the state? Was it because the authors did not tour these areas when electioneering was under way? That is hardly a consolation to the reader.

The chapter on the image of average politicians begins with an introductory take on the changing nature of political leaders, especially in the post-liberalisation era. But there is little by way of fresh insight - the passion for SUVs; increased visibility of gold chains worn by Safari suit-clad "leaders"; and, of course, greater cohabitation with crime. But this is lazy journalism; you either provide complete details or do not provide them at all. For instance, why write "owned by a powerful Thakur BSP leader"?

There are several similar instances where greater political detail would have elevated the text. For instance, while reading about Adityanath Yogi, the BJP MP from Gorakhpur, one would expect details about the background of Gorakhnath Math and Mahant Avaidyanath, who preceded the current MP in the Lower House as well as the head of the Math. Even analysis of past electoral behaviour has little fresh perspective; one is not sure if the previous discourse that Muslims vote en bloc in favour of any single party holds true. Journeys in Uttar Pradesh are always akin to roller-coaster rides. Reading this book is a similar experience.
The reviewer is author of Narendra Modi: The Man, The Times
nilanjan.mukhopadhyay@gmail.com

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First Published: Aug 21 2013 | 9:25 PM IST

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