Low was “a serial fabulist,” the authors Tom Wright and Bradley Hope, reporters for the Wall Street Journal, observe. This game of make-believe was central to raising several billion dollars through bond issues for 1Malaysia Development Berhad with the enthusiastic help of Goldman Sachs. Myth-making is useful also in understanding Nirav Modi with his flagship jewel stores and brash billboards that dotted the most expensive retail districts in the world. “Jho Low’s story epitomises the shocking power of those who learn to master the levers of international finance in the 21st century,” Wright and Hope observe. (Disclosure: Wright is a friend, but in part because I admired his 1MDB coverage well before we met a couple of years ago.)
When the extended financial party was over at the expense of investors in 1MDB, dressed up as a sovereign wealth fund for Malaysia, not to mention the credibility of regulators worldwide, 1MDB’s debts stood at about $7 billion. An entity that had raised $10 billion but owned only a handful of power plants appeared to have been created to channel cash through a myriad web of accounts in places such as the Cayman Islands and the Seychelles to benefit Low and the family of the former prime minister of Malaysia, Najib Razak. “(Low’s) was a scheme for the 21st century, a truly global endeavour that produced nothing — a shift of cash from a poorly controlled state fund in the developing world, diverting it into opaque corners of an under-policed financial system.”

Hollywood and the World Author: Tom Wright & Bradley Hope,
Publisher: Hachette, Pages: 400, Price: $16.99
One of the curious aspects of this cinematically well-told tale is how joyless being ludicrously rich seems. Low is almost a bystander at his own parties, sipping Corona beer and behaving awkwardly among the crowds he has lured with his reputation for excess while guests are literally doused with Cristal champagne. Rosmah Mansor, the wife of former PM Razak, walked into luxury stores and handed them lists of what she didn’t want; store assistants packed up the rest. After this May’s tumultuous election in Malaysia when voters voted out her husband, police raids on their homes in Kuala Lumpur unearthed $274 million worth of items ranging from jewellery to bags (567 bags in total) to 423 watches. Rosmah was arrested on October 3 on charges of money laundering.
Then there is Goldman Sachs, larger than life and with a revolving door in perpetual motion for former chief executives to enter successive White House administrations. The firm devised a new kind of business called “monetising the state,” aimed at sovereign wealth funds. It even sounds dubious. Goldman’s defence is that its business was to devise complex financial mechanisms such as the 1MDB bonds. It could not be expected to know how the money would be used.
The former Southeast Asia chairman for Goldman is reportedly in a plea bargain negotiation with US prosecutors. Goldman has argued it discovered after the fact that he deliberately misled the firm, even though committees of high-level Goldman executives approved the deals. Perhaps he did fool so many clever top bankers, but I doubt I will be the only reader who finishes this book wishing that the US government had in effect put Goldman Sachs in a straitjacket after it threw it a lifeline of several billion dollars during the bailout of AIG in 2008. (Former Goldman chief executive Hank Paulson as US Treasury secretary was central to those decisions.)
One finishes this superbly reported book completely unsettled: The world would be a better place if Goldman Sachs was not a master of our dystopian universe, but because our financial system is so complex and inter-connected, the consequences of adequately punishing institutions such as Goldman or IL&FS now seems the economic equivalent of dropping a nuclear bomb. And, so the merry-go-round continues to the next debacle.
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