On January 5, 1921, Sylvia Pankhurst stood in the witness stand at London’s Guildhall and reminded the court that, as her biographer Rachel Holmes puts it, she had “faced death many times for her beliefs.” Arrested at the offices of the newspaper she ran, on suspicion of inciting sedition, Pankhurst, then 38, appeared with a red carnation in her buttonhole, and held the court’s attention for 90 minutes as she told the story of her life — a tale spanning her upbringing in Manchester as the daughter of feminist reformists whose social circle encompassed American abolitionists, Hindu nationalists and founding members of the Labour Party; her early ambition to paint; her winning a scholarship to the Royal College of Art; and her 13 prison sentences as a suffragist, during which she was subjected to force-feeding and solitary confinement in cramped cells infested with vermin.
Reproaching her accusers, Pankhurst insisted that “it is wrong that people like you should be comfortable and well fed, while all around you people are starving.” Her appeal was unsuccessful, and she returned to Holloway prison, condemned to cleaning tasks while members of the Women’s Suffrage Federation kept her spirits up by gathering to sing outside the prison gates. “Why,” wrote her parents’ friend George Bernard Shaw somewhat patronisingly, “didn’t you make up your mind to keep out of prison instead of persistently breaking into it?”
Ms Holmes’s mammoth biography positions Pankhurst as “a free spirit and a visionary,” a modern political thinker deeply attuned to the intersections among oppressions rooted in gender, class and race. Although her mother, Emmeline, became Britain’s most famous suffragist, it was from her father, Richard, with whose death Holmes opens her book, that Sylvia derived her lifelong commitment to “an equalitarian society, in which by mutual aid and service, there should be abundance for all to satisfy material and spiritual needs.”
While her mother and sister Christabel supported World War I, never campaigned for universal suffrage and renounced their links with the trade union movement — Emmeline would deny that the Women’s Social and Political Union, founded in the family’s parlour in 1903, had begun in affiliation with the Labour Party — Sylvia, a socialist and pacifist, always believed “in the necessary conjoining of the economic and political struggle of women and the working class.” Her consistent opposition to legislation that would offer the vote to only a limited number of property-owning women caused serious ruptures within the family and led to Sylvia’s expulsion from the WSPU. Undeterred, she dedicated herself to work in London’s impoverished East End, organising factory workers and campaigning for maternal health care.
The story of the suffragist movement is familiar, though always captivating: plucky women smuggling themselves into Westminster in furniture removal vans, chaining themselves to railings and smashing windows. But Sylvia Pankhurst’s work for equal rights extended far beyond votes for women. Her life’s project lay in a fight against fascism, imperialism and racism, insisting, in Ms Holmes’s words, on the value of “principled and powerful collective protest as the only channel available to those systematically excluded from power.”
SYLVIA PANKHURST: Natural Born Rebel
Author: Rachel Holmes
Publisher: Bloomsbury
Price: $40: Pages: 949
Ms Holmes, the author of several other books, including a biography of Eleanor Marx, charts Pankhurst’s attempts, following the Russian Revolution of 1917, to transform British socialism and set up a communist party in her own country (a falling-out with Lenin didn’t stop her from being arrested multiple times on suspicion of working for the Soviet government). Of most lasting significance, personally as well as politically, were her staunch opposition to Mussolini — even when many in Britain were courting his favour — and, especially, her work on behalf of Ethiopian independence. In her 70s, she emigrated to Addis Ababa with her son, Richard Keir Pethick Pankhurst, and his wife; when she died there in 1960, she received a full state funeral, and a bustling thoroughfare was renamed Sylvia Pankhurst Street. She dedicated her magisterial cultural history of the country to Haile Selassie, her close ally; he assured her that her “unceasing efforts and support in the just cause of Ethiopia will never be forgotten.”
At more than 900 pages, Ms Holmes’s book is packed with detail, but marred by so much repetition that the reader is left with the impression of a vast amount of material not fully marshalled into narrative form. Despite its length, Ms Holmes’s book tends to skate over opportunities for psychological insight into its subject. We’re tantalised by the promise of “an intense period of explicit love letters” exchanged in 1911 between Sylvia and Keir Hardie, the first leader of the Labour Party, but when these are eventually quoted, they turn out to consist mostly of opaque dreams and avowals of socialism as “the cure for all ills.” Ms Holmes assures us that theirs was “a fully fledged love affair, passionate, ecstatic and tormented,” but doesn’t really interrogate the effects on Sylvia’s self-esteem of a relationship with a man 26 years her senior who seems never to have considered leaving his wife. We learn even less about her “soul mate,” Silvio Corio, an exiled Italian anarchist with whom she had her son, beyond the fact that “their commonality was the desire to try and make the world a better place.”
Tensions with Emmeline and Christabel — Sylvia’s “personal political tragedy” — feel particularly underexplored. Emmeline comes across as formidably capricious. When Sylvia, though unmarried, became pregnant, her mother refused to see her, and lamented that she continued to use the family name.
Nonetheless, no book on Sylvia Pankhurst could fail to pass on an exhilarating story. Ms Holmes positions Pankhurst as a spiritual ancestor to “teen radicals” of today such as Malala Yousafzai and Greta Thunberg. The continued relevance of her life story needs no such justification.
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