At the India Today Conclave, when Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) Joint General Secretary Dattatreya Hosabale said that he did not think homosexuality ought to be criminalised, Sangh groupies latched on to his statement to show how RSS was a better organisation than generally believed. Twitter was awash in self-congratulation among the RSS-supporting crowd.
Within hours, Hosabale changed his stance. He clarified that when he said homosexuality need not be criminalised, what he meant was that homosexuality was a disease and that its "adherents" are objects of pity. "They deserve our sympathy and we must do all we can to cure them of this malaise," was the gist of his Twitter clarification.
Just as quickly as Twitterati had put him on a pedestal a day earlier, they now threw Hosabale into the gutter. Of course, the political bent of the two groups differed markedly, but even conservative commentators expressed dissatisfaction. Everyone had been surprised at Hosabale's statement at the Conclave, and there was a feeling of "Told you so!" at his retraction.
My question is: why are we even asking RSS for its opinion of homosexuality? It's not like the organisation's views are unknown. Did we really think that an organisation that champions conservatism, and whose political agenda includes such items as the Ram Mandir and a Hindu rashtra, would be cool with homosexuality?
RSS has a specific purpose in India's political sphere, and that purpose is to provide ideological moorings to Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). It is to BJP what the Gandhi family is to the Congress: parent, guide and ultimate arbiter. It has been remarkably successful in its project. RSS would like to take its project forward, and to that end, it works closely with the Modi government. So, while the government speaks of "vikas", RSS works from the sidelines to ensure that its larger cultural agenda is fulfilled.
I would go so far as to claim that RSS understands that its hark-to-the-roots agenda is deeply regressive at a time when the country needs to look forward. But it recognises this need within the rubric of Hindutva. Its egalitarianism is restricted to championing the rights of historically marginalised communities within the Hindu faith, such as women and Dalits.
Look at some of its recent statements. After RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat raised the issue of reservations during the Bihar elections, questions were raised on whether the organisation will force the government to reconsider quotas for Dalits and OBCs.
Speaking last month at Nagaur in Rajasthan, the site of the annual meeting of Akhil Bhartiya Pratinidhi Sabha, RSS General Secretary Bhaiyyaji Joshi said: "Babasaheb Ambedkar gave the provision of reservation. It was for social justice. Today, the level of education of Dalit class has improved. There are many backward castes today. It should be studied and discussed whether the deserving castes are getting reservation benefits. This issue should be studied. It is also a matter of detailed discussion whether or not creamy layer system should be there in all categories." With such statements, RSS sought to deflect criticism that it was against quotas with the plea that it was instead questioning if they were effective and whether they reached the right recipients.
On women's rights too, RSS has been making the right noises. Referring to the recent agitation by women groups to enter the sanctum sanctorum of certain temples, Muralidhar Rao, a former convenor of the Swadeshi Jagran Manch, said (also at Nagaur): "The Sangh has always stood for the progressive interpretation of religious texts. And anyway, the Vedas say there is nothing like man or woman before the divine force. I'd like to add here that what many observers interpret as a new turn for RSS is in fact only a reiteration of what the Sangh has broadly believed since the beginning."
While these declarations are commendable in themselves, they need to be seen as part of RSS' larger goal of creating a monolithic Hindu nation. Gays do not fit this narrative, and are therefore up for ridicule. There is no inherent Hindu constituency that speaks up for homosexuals. To expect RSS to change its stand on the matter is, therefore, silly.
That said, the issue sheds light on how problematic RSS' politics is in this day and age. The Hosabale episode reiterates the need for RSS to undertake genuine reform beyond its recent decision to change its uniform. While its shakhas played a pivotal role in ensuring Narendra Modi's success in 2014, that success could not have happened without Modi's development pitch, a promise that cannot be fulfilled without equal rights for all of India's citizens. Going forward, the organisation will have to decide whether it wants to stick to its reactionary agenda or mutate with the times to evolve into a more rights-based outfit divorced from a communal politics.
Within hours, Hosabale changed his stance. He clarified that when he said homosexuality need not be criminalised, what he meant was that homosexuality was a disease and that its "adherents" are objects of pity. "They deserve our sympathy and we must do all we can to cure them of this malaise," was the gist of his Twitter clarification.
Just as quickly as Twitterati had put him on a pedestal a day earlier, they now threw Hosabale into the gutter. Of course, the political bent of the two groups differed markedly, but even conservative commentators expressed dissatisfaction. Everyone had been surprised at Hosabale's statement at the Conclave, and there was a feeling of "Told you so!" at his retraction.
My question is: why are we even asking RSS for its opinion of homosexuality? It's not like the organisation's views are unknown. Did we really think that an organisation that champions conservatism, and whose political agenda includes such items as the Ram Mandir and a Hindu rashtra, would be cool with homosexuality?
RSS has a specific purpose in India's political sphere, and that purpose is to provide ideological moorings to Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). It is to BJP what the Gandhi family is to the Congress: parent, guide and ultimate arbiter. It has been remarkably successful in its project. RSS would like to take its project forward, and to that end, it works closely with the Modi government. So, while the government speaks of "vikas", RSS works from the sidelines to ensure that its larger cultural agenda is fulfilled.
I would go so far as to claim that RSS understands that its hark-to-the-roots agenda is deeply regressive at a time when the country needs to look forward. But it recognises this need within the rubric of Hindutva. Its egalitarianism is restricted to championing the rights of historically marginalised communities within the Hindu faith, such as women and Dalits.
Look at some of its recent statements. After RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat raised the issue of reservations during the Bihar elections, questions were raised on whether the organisation will force the government to reconsider quotas for Dalits and OBCs.
Speaking last month at Nagaur in Rajasthan, the site of the annual meeting of Akhil Bhartiya Pratinidhi Sabha, RSS General Secretary Bhaiyyaji Joshi said: "Babasaheb Ambedkar gave the provision of reservation. It was for social justice. Today, the level of education of Dalit class has improved. There are many backward castes today. It should be studied and discussed whether the deserving castes are getting reservation benefits. This issue should be studied. It is also a matter of detailed discussion whether or not creamy layer system should be there in all categories." With such statements, RSS sought to deflect criticism that it was against quotas with the plea that it was instead questioning if they were effective and whether they reached the right recipients.
On women's rights too, RSS has been making the right noises. Referring to the recent agitation by women groups to enter the sanctum sanctorum of certain temples, Muralidhar Rao, a former convenor of the Swadeshi Jagran Manch, said (also at Nagaur): "The Sangh has always stood for the progressive interpretation of religious texts. And anyway, the Vedas say there is nothing like man or woman before the divine force. I'd like to add here that what many observers interpret as a new turn for RSS is in fact only a reiteration of what the Sangh has broadly believed since the beginning."
While these declarations are commendable in themselves, they need to be seen as part of RSS' larger goal of creating a monolithic Hindu nation. Gays do not fit this narrative, and are therefore up for ridicule. There is no inherent Hindu constituency that speaks up for homosexuals. To expect RSS to change its stand on the matter is, therefore, silly.
That said, the issue sheds light on how problematic RSS' politics is in this day and age. The Hosabale episode reiterates the need for RSS to undertake genuine reform beyond its recent decision to change its uniform. While its shakhas played a pivotal role in ensuring Narendra Modi's success in 2014, that success could not have happened without Modi's development pitch, a promise that cannot be fulfilled without equal rights for all of India's citizens. Going forward, the organisation will have to decide whether it wants to stick to its reactionary agenda or mutate with the times to evolve into a more rights-based outfit divorced from a communal politics.