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The story behind the Steele dossier

Book review of Crime in Progress: Inside the Steele Dossier and the Fusion GPS Investigation of Donald Trump

Crime in Progress: Inside the Steele Dossier and the Fusion GPS Investigation of Donald Trump
Cover of Crime in Progress: Inside the Steele Dossier and the Fusion GPS Investigation of Donald Trump. Credits: Amazon.com
Jennifer Szalai | NYT
5 min read Last Updated : Dec 23 2019 | 12:08 AM IST
In the annals of political warfare, sober recitations of facts often pale next to lurid speculation. Before they founded the private intelligence firm Fusion GPS, Glenn Simpson and Peter Fritsch had long careers reporting and editing for The Wall Street Journal. As old journalism hands, they shouldn’t have been surprised when their diligent research into Donald Trump’s finances slipped into the media stream with barely a ripple, while the raw intelligence memos sent to Fusion by the former MI6 agent Christopher Steele landed like a breaching whale.
 
In Crime in Progress, Messrs Simpson and Fritsch said they “played down” the most “salacious” anecdote in the memos — that the Kremlin may have a videotape of Donald Trump asking prostitutes to urinate on a bed in the Moscow Ritz-Carlton — in order to emphasise their forensic work in following the money. They found evidence suggesting that Mr Trump became dependent on infusions of Russian cash after a string of bankruptcies and “has done business with at least 25 individuals and companies with documented mob ties.” But such complex accounting has proved to be less enticing. A pee tape is worth a thousand words.
 
Republicans have woven an intricate conspiracy theory around the Steele dossier, casting it as a partisan hit job that in July 2016 sparked an FBI investigation into the Trump campaign’s ties to Russia. Last week, the Justice Department’s inspector general issued a report that laid waste to those accusations. The FBI had already initiated an investigation based on another stream of information before it got wind of Mr Steele’s findings.
 
Mr Steele was running his own private intelligence firm, called Orbis, when Fusion contracted him in May 2016 to talk to his Russian sources about Mr Trump. Fusion, in turn, had been hired by a law firm doing work for the Hillary Clinton campaign and the Democratic National Committee. That, though, was only after Fusion’s original client, a conservative online publication, backed off from researching Mr Trump when he became the Republican field’s front-runner.
 
Did you get all of that? Messrs Simpson and Fritsch try to tell the story as clearly as they can, but more money means more convolutions. To head off charges of anti-Trump bias, they stress that their client list includes a number of companies that are big donors to Republican lawmakers.
 
Crime in Progress describes efforts that started out ordinarily enough — the kind of open-source reporting and due diligence searches that Fusion was used to doing for its corporate clients. One line of inquiry into Trump’s business deals unearthed a flow of Russian money into his projects, what Mr Fritsch once called a “tour de sleaze.” Needing a clearer sense of what was happening inside Russia itself, where public records were hard to come by, Fusion reached out to Mr Steele.
 
The authors chronicle how Steele became so alarmed by what his sources were telling him that he asked Fusion’s permission to share his raw intelligence notes with the FBI and, later, an adviser to Senator John McCain.
 
Mr Steele and the authors started talking on deep background to journalists, too, though the authors say they took care not to share the dossier with the media before the election, and were furious when BuzzFeed posted the document in January 2017, ten days before President Trump’s inauguration. This timeline, they repeatedly argue, is key: Republicans have tried to portray the dossier as a hoax or a dirty trick designed to prejudice the electorate, but how could it have swayed voters if it was kept hidden before the vote?
 
Messrs Simpson and Fritsch are able guides to a byzantine world; their presentation is methodical, almost lawyerly, which isn’t as bad as it sounds. When reading a story full of weird financial transactions, narratives and counternarratives, it’s helpful to have everything laid out as plainly as possible — even if the layers of chicanery are sometimes so densely packed that their syntax gets squeezed into ugly shapes.
 
Messr Simpson and Fritsch try to address conservative conspiracy theorists head on, devoting an entire chapter to their work with a Russian real-estate company named Prevezon and its lawyer Natalia Veselnitskaya — who, unbeknownst to Fusion at the time,arranged a notorious meeting with the Trump campaign.
 
Fusion’s conservative critics doubtless won’t be placated by this book, even though the authors say that those critics were ultimately what made the book possible. Only when Republican members of Congress forced Fusion to provide documents and testimony in an attempt to ferret out a vast left-wing conspiracy were the authors freed to write about interactions they “would have otherwise been contractually obligated to keep confidential.”
 
It’s a nice bit of irony in a book that reads like a morality tale about unintended consequences. As Mr Simpson told congressional investigators back in 2017: “We threw a line in the water and Moby Dick came back.”
 
©2019 The New York Times News Service
 


Topics :Donald Trump impeachmentDonald TrumpFBI

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