It’s been a week since Mallojula Koteswara Rao, alias Kishenji, died in a police encounter in the thick jungles of West Midnapore in Bengal, but the spectre of his movement is still haunting the state government. Six 'concerned citizens' were appointed as interlocutors between state and the armed Naxals. But with Kishanji killed, five of the six people have resigned.
The dreaded posters in red ink are now popping up closer to home, in the heart of Kolkata, and at least three people from the Communist Party of India (Marxist) have been killed, in the last few days in the Naxal-infested Jhargram, a stone’s throw away from Lalgarh, the seat of the current wave of Naxalism in Bengal.
Yet Lalgarh is just a speck in the Red Corridor—an euphemism for Naxal strongholds—that cuts across the country from the Uttar Pradesh-Bihar border through West Bengal, Jharkhand, Orissa, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu. In the last two days, a blast by Naxals in Jharkhand claimed five jawans while in Bihar, a CRPF picket was attacked;
Operation Lalgarh—a Centre and state effort to flush out the Naxals— had its genesis on November 2, 2008, when a landmine blast was targeted at former West Bengal Chief Minister, Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee’s convoy, on his way back from the foundation stone laying ceremony of Bengal’s largest investment, JSW Steel’s 10 million tonne steel plant. What followed was an allegedly indiscriminate move to nail the people responsible for the blast and the formation of the People’s Committee against Police Atrocities (PCPA). The incident and its aftermath set the stage for a battle between the ultras and forces - central and state – which has remained a bloody one, since then.
But in the struggle for power between democratic government and armed squads, it’s the commoners who find themselves in a consistent flux. Mamata's initial support to leadership of People's Committee against Police Atrocities (PCPA) in Lalgarh and adjoining regions of West Midnapore was looked upon by the Left parties with suspicion as the PCPA enjoyed Naxal-backing. And in most of Banerjee’s successes like the Singur and Nandigram movement, the Naxals have claimed equal participation.
Way back in 2009, well before the Assembly elections in Bengal, Banerjee had refused to believe in the presence of Naxals and protested against Operation Lalgarh. Two years down the line she calls them 'supari killers' (contract killers). Now there's an urge to retain the same forces which were being asked to pull out.
Unlike Singur and Darjeeling issues, where Banerjee has stuck to her manifesto, in Lalgarh she has made a U-turn, albeit out of necessity than choice. "There is a tacit understanding between Maoists (read Naxals) and the Trinamool Congress. The administration lacks direction," alleges Md Salim, a senior CPI(M)leader. "Our stand is clear. Carry on with political battle. joint operations should continue and development activities should go ahead," Salim adds.
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The Ultras have found ground in Jamboni, Belpahari and Lalgarh over a period of time and for nearly three years, forces have been attempting to stabilize the situation in Janglemahal.
Had there been no murders or blasts, we would have considered their presence a success. But then again, their absence would yield greater damage," says a villager at Belpahari.
Residents of Lalgarh, Belpahari and many other settlements of West Midnapore which faced the brunt of the ultra-activities in recent years, have yet to return to peaceful existence.
“For development you need peace. Even now, marriages are restricted to daylight,” says Asit Bera, pradhan of Jamboni gram panchayat, a rural settlement around 15 km from Jhargram town. The presence of forces have affected lives in different ways. "During the last election, joint forces took away around 50 benches from our school and broke those by rough handling. Besides our other infrastructure constraints, we are now left facing shortage of benches for students to sit," says Amitav Pahari, headmaster of Jamboni Bani Vidoyapith, a government aided school with around 400 students.
Politically backed local efforts for shedding fear are evident. Banners announcing "Junglemahal Cup Football Tournament, 2011" and "Not war, we want peace" were recently seen in places like Belpahari to dispel fear. Trinamool's MP Subhendu Adhikari, said to enjoy clout in the affected region, claims resolution of the problem has already begun. “The situation (after Kishanji's death) is normal. First what we need to ensure that armed rebels don’t roam around. As per the law, joint forces will carry on. Simultaneously, development activities are being made functional.
Meanwhile. Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has promised to deliver results. In her mid-October public meeting at Jhargram, West Midnapore, Mamata promised setting up of an employment bank in the region to help qualified youths find jobs. Besides this, 5,000 junior constables will also be recruited from the region. Road connectivity has also been promised to all parts of West Midnapore district, beside construction of a major bridge, stadia, a college and schools.
But in Junglemahal, youngsters, who have applied for junior constables' posts, are unaware of political promises and more concerned about livelihood: "I don't know if this has something to do with development. I am just trying to get a job," says a youngster who filled a recruitment form at Belpahari.