 "Every vote counts in Arunachal")
Arunachal Pradesh poses a set of anomalous challenges that fade away from focus in the second most populous country’s elections. The hilly northeastern state has only two Parliamentary constituencies, with a mere 750,000 voters. That is a fifth of voters in India’s largest constituency, Outer Delhi with an electorate of 3.36 million.
Lack of power and communication with most places in the state make the 83,473 square kilometres seem twice as large to traverse. To add to it this year, Congress Chief Minister Nabam Tuki played a master-stroke by calling for Assembly elections alongside the Parliamentary polls, making it difficult for the main Opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).
The mountainous geography mixes with the play of money, tribal and clan loyalties along with thousands of litre of liquor that make it difficult to predict results where margins for Assembly seats can go as low as a few votes.
Elections in Arunachal Pradesh have been marked “expenditure sensitive” by the Election Commission.
“Even for Assembly constituencies with just 6,000-10,000 voters, a candidate can end up spending almost a crore or more. Those who can afford can end up spending up to Rs 2 crore at times,” says a candidate fighting from a constituency in central Arunachal Pradesh.
“But in many cases, if a person takes the money from you he will vote for you and refuse to take money from the other candidate,” says the poll manager of another Assembly constituency candidate from the BJP.
While cash is an imperative regardless of clan and filial loyalties, elections are also the time to get medical treatment, school admissions and basics delivered from candidates. With decent medical services available in Assam, many candidates spend on sending voters across in hired cars for treatment.
“With such low numbers, each vote counts and candidates make that extra effort to catch every potential voter,” says an election officer. Some candidates have even flown students back from their colleges in cities like Delhi to vote.
A Congress leader in eastern Arunachal says it is difficult to convince ‘new leaders’ in Delhi about the logistics and dynamics of the region. “They say hold so many meetings across three or four districts in a month. It’s not like going from Delhi to Haridwar or gathering 1,000 people at the drop of a hat. They just don’t get it,” he adds.
The smallest Assembly seat in the state, Anini, has only 3,904 voters. The state capital, Itanagar, clocks the highest at 60,998.
The Election Commission imposed stricter regulation on the flow of money and liquor this time around. “Nobody asks for a bottle or two; one has to give cases of liquor. It’s become a sad tradition but it has been relatively checked this time,” says a Congress leader from the state.
For a state with negligible industrial activity and with the majority working in the state government or tilling their own lands, the state’s elite operate on a government contract-driven cash economy. This fuels an election economy beyond the official records as well.
At the macro-level too, a beneficial Centre is critical for the funds not to dry up. State governments have previously flipped within months to align with the party in power in Delhi.
Lack of power and communication with most places in the state make the 83,473 square kilometres seem twice as large to traverse. To add to it this year, Congress Chief Minister Nabam Tuki played a master-stroke by calling for Assembly elections alongside the Parliamentary polls, making it difficult for the main Opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).
The mountainous geography mixes with the play of money, tribal and clan loyalties along with thousands of litre of liquor that make it difficult to predict results where margins for Assembly seats can go as low as a few votes.
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“This year, we caught 100,000 more bottles of liquor than in the 2009 election,” says an official in the state election commission office not wishing to disclose the gross volume confiscated. Almost Rs 4.5 crore in cash were also confiscated during the elections. The regulation of this election has been much better than previous ones many observers note. But the confiscation numbers reflect just the tip of the iceberg, many politicians willingly accept off the record.
Elections in Arunachal Pradesh have been marked “expenditure sensitive” by the Election Commission.
“Even for Assembly constituencies with just 6,000-10,000 voters, a candidate can end up spending almost a crore or more. Those who can afford can end up spending up to Rs 2 crore at times,” says a candidate fighting from a constituency in central Arunachal Pradesh.
“But in many cases, if a person takes the money from you he will vote for you and refuse to take money from the other candidate,” says the poll manager of another Assembly constituency candidate from the BJP.
While cash is an imperative regardless of clan and filial loyalties, elections are also the time to get medical treatment, school admissions and basics delivered from candidates. With decent medical services available in Assam, many candidates spend on sending voters across in hired cars for treatment.
“With such low numbers, each vote counts and candidates make that extra effort to catch every potential voter,” says an election officer. Some candidates have even flown students back from their colleges in cities like Delhi to vote.
A Congress leader in eastern Arunachal says it is difficult to convince ‘new leaders’ in Delhi about the logistics and dynamics of the region. “They say hold so many meetings across three or four districts in a month. It’s not like going from Delhi to Haridwar or gathering 1,000 people at the drop of a hat. They just don’t get it,” he adds.
The smallest Assembly seat in the state, Anini, has only 3,904 voters. The state capital, Itanagar, clocks the highest at 60,998.
The Election Commission imposed stricter regulation on the flow of money and liquor this time around. “Nobody asks for a bottle or two; one has to give cases of liquor. It’s become a sad tradition but it has been relatively checked this time,” says a Congress leader from the state.
For a state with negligible industrial activity and with the majority working in the state government or tilling their own lands, the state’s elite operate on a government contract-driven cash economy. This fuels an election economy beyond the official records as well.
At the macro-level too, a beneficial Centre is critical for the funds not to dry up. State governments have previously flipped within months to align with the party in power in Delhi.