When the Union government dismissed the Himachal Pradesh, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh state Assemblies in the aftermath of the Babri mosque desecration in 1992, Arjun Singh, then a minister in the PV Narasimha Rao government, announced elections in these states would be held within a year.
However, the Congress government was surprised when then chief election commissioner, T N Seshan, issued a statement, saying it was the prerogative of the poll panel to fix election dates. Perhaps, the unprecedented move was the first visible sign of India's highest authority on elections acting independently.
Soon, Seshan gained prominence for his outspoken views, swift action and refusal to be cowed down by political insinuations. His action received praise from foreign media. "Although the job he holds is mandated by the Constitution, chief election commissioners before Seshan were little more than glorified errand boys for the government, which manipulated the electoral process to further their grip on power. Seshan refuses to do what people working for Prime Minister P V Narasimha Rao order," John-Thor Dahlbur had written in Los Angeles Times on January 25, 1994.
Seshan had also threatened not to conduct polls if voter identity cards weren't issued and it wasn't ensured candidates file their poll expense details accurately.
Seshan couldn't be reached for comment because of his declining health.
On Thursday, Chief Election Commissioner V S Sampath tried to project the same image. Flanked by two election commissioners, Sampath tore into criticism by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its prime ministerial candidate Narendra Modi.
Earlier, BJP leader Arun Jaitley had said: "Men in constitutional offices need to be bolder. Timid men can dwarf high offices." Sampath, otherwise shy and reserved, promptly hit back. "The commission is not afraid of any political party or entity."
He tried to dispel the notion that the Election Commission was a toothless body, through action against Modi, his close aide Amit Shah and the Samajwadi Party's Azam Khan. After West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee refused to comply with an order to transfer district officials, Sampath's office forced her to fall in line.
While the Election Commission's code of conduct is in place, the central and state governments have to take the poll panel's authorisation for key policy announcements, appointments, etc.
Between Seshan and Sampath, there were seven chief election commissioners. Among them, J M Lyngdoh and his successor, T S Krishnamurthy, were known for taking tough stances.
Gujarat Chief Minister Modi repetitively referred to Lyngdoh as "James Michael Lyngdoh", making it explicit that the election commissioner belonged to the minority Christian community. Such was the friction between Modi and Lyngdoh that former prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee had to issue a statement, requesting both to respect each other.
Lyngdoh couldn't be immediately reached for comment.
His successor, Krishnamurthy, drew attention for his zest to introduce a series of electoral reforms. He advocated a ban on opinion and exit polls, though this wasn't received favourably by the political class. However, the negative-voting option, an idea that originated during his term, recently found favour with the apex court, with the introduction of the 'none of the above', or Nota, option.
"Many proposals regarding electoral reforms are lying before the Union government for years. But no government made efforts to bring those out of cold storage. It doesn't suit them," says an official in the Election Commission.
CHIEF ELECTION COMMISSIONERS WHO STOOD THEIR GROUND
T N Seshan (1990-1996)
Refused to hold elections in the absence of voter ids; took on incumbents
J M Lyngdoh (2001-2004)
Refused to give into demands of early elections in Gujarat by Narendra Modi
T S Krishnamurthy (2004-2005)
Tried to introduce many electoral reforms, refused to be cowed to political insinuations
V S Sampath (2012 - till date)
Told political parties and leaders the Commission was not afraid of them
However, the Congress government was surprised when then chief election commissioner, T N Seshan, issued a statement, saying it was the prerogative of the poll panel to fix election dates. Perhaps, the unprecedented move was the first visible sign of India's highest authority on elections acting independently.
Soon, Seshan gained prominence for his outspoken views, swift action and refusal to be cowed down by political insinuations. His action received praise from foreign media. "Although the job he holds is mandated by the Constitution, chief election commissioners before Seshan were little more than glorified errand boys for the government, which manipulated the electoral process to further their grip on power. Seshan refuses to do what people working for Prime Minister P V Narasimha Rao order," John-Thor Dahlbur had written in Los Angeles Times on January 25, 1994.
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Dahlbur had quoted him saying, "I have driven the fear of God into people who broke the system."
Seshan had also threatened not to conduct polls if voter identity cards weren't issued and it wasn't ensured candidates file their poll expense details accurately.
Seshan couldn't be reached for comment because of his declining health.
On Thursday, Chief Election Commissioner V S Sampath tried to project the same image. Flanked by two election commissioners, Sampath tore into criticism by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its prime ministerial candidate Narendra Modi.
Earlier, BJP leader Arun Jaitley had said: "Men in constitutional offices need to be bolder. Timid men can dwarf high offices." Sampath, otherwise shy and reserved, promptly hit back. "The commission is not afraid of any political party or entity."
He tried to dispel the notion that the Election Commission was a toothless body, through action against Modi, his close aide Amit Shah and the Samajwadi Party's Azam Khan. After West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee refused to comply with an order to transfer district officials, Sampath's office forced her to fall in line.
While the Election Commission's code of conduct is in place, the central and state governments have to take the poll panel's authorisation for key policy announcements, appointments, etc.
Between Seshan and Sampath, there were seven chief election commissioners. Among them, J M Lyngdoh and his successor, T S Krishnamurthy, were known for taking tough stances.
Gujarat Chief Minister Modi repetitively referred to Lyngdoh as "James Michael Lyngdoh", making it explicit that the election commissioner belonged to the minority Christian community. Such was the friction between Modi and Lyngdoh that former prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee had to issue a statement, requesting both to respect each other.
Lyngdoh couldn't be immediately reached for comment.
His successor, Krishnamurthy, drew attention for his zest to introduce a series of electoral reforms. He advocated a ban on opinion and exit polls, though this wasn't received favourably by the political class. However, the negative-voting option, an idea that originated during his term, recently found favour with the apex court, with the introduction of the 'none of the above', or Nota, option.
"Many proposals regarding electoral reforms are lying before the Union government for years. But no government made efforts to bring those out of cold storage. It doesn't suit them," says an official in the Election Commission.
CHIEF ELECTION COMMISSIONERS WHO STOOD THEIR GROUND
T N Seshan (1990-1996)
Refused to hold elections in the absence of voter ids; took on incumbents
J M Lyngdoh (2001-2004)
Refused to give into demands of early elections in Gujarat by Narendra Modi
T S Krishnamurthy (2004-2005)
Tried to introduce many electoral reforms, refused to be cowed to political insinuations
V S Sampath (2012 - till date)
Told political parties and leaders the Commission was not afraid of them