Certainly, if the government moves towards such a "market-linked" approach in the gas sector, reasonable questions will be asked as to why it has not done so in the coal sector, especially given that coal can indeed be transported in a way that gas cannot, and so the idea of a "world coal price" has meaning. In other words, the recommendations of the committee could more fruitfully be applied to other energy sectors. After all, why should coal prices domestically not reflect the highest prevailing world price? Similar points can and should be made about the committee's sensible recommendation to dismantle end-user rules that privilege sectors like power and fertiliser. These must end, certainly, for they distort the supply of natural gas. However, the equivalent must apply to other energy sectors, too. Thus, coal prices should reflect the highest prevailing world price (which is what is recommended for gas) and all end-use restriction as through coal "linkages" to specific factories or power stations should go.
In general, the government should see the report as the first step in working out the exact costs to various stakeholders of different policies of energy pricing. How much do consumers lose or gain? How much does the exchequer lose or gain? And what would be the loss or gain of individual companies - whether producers or users of energy? The absence of such examination in the coal sector has led to much spin and confusion about the economic consequence of the ongoing auctions. The public should be more properly informed about such issues, and it would have been useful if the committee itself had done such an exercise.