Farmer leaders as 'extremists': Govt prepares a fallback narrative

It would seem that the Narendra Modi government is preparing a fallback narrative in case the stalemate with agitating farmers continues. It has begun putting its weight behind allegations that the agitation has been hijacked by “extremist” elements.
 
Government leaders are talking about the subversive intent of “Urban Naxalites” or of “Khalistanis” alleged to have infiltrated the movement. Raising questions about the genuineness of the protestors about professed issues is a template that this government has used earlier. It sought to delegitimise those who opposed religion-based citizenship laws and social activists working for tribal rights precisely in this way.

 
As before, the initial narrative of “extremist infiltration” was floated by compliant media quoting anonymous “government sources”. In earlier political protests, such media accusations were followed up by police and intelligence agencies lodging omnibus first information reports (FIRs) and chargesheets suggesting an elaborate conspiracy among protestors. Government ministers, the ruling party’s functionaries, journalists and pro-government social media activists then brought these allegations into public discussions quoting each other to develop a damning narrative.
 

There should be little surprise then at allegations by Union Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal, one of the key negotiators of the government with the farmers’ leaders, that extremist elements “hell bent on disrupting this movement and creating chaos”. He objected to protesting farmers “demanding the release of so-called poets and intellectuals who are facing serious charges” (they were actually celebrating Human Rights Day) and referred to media reports that “Leftist and Maoist elements have infiltrated the movement”. Union Law Minister Ravi Shankar Prasad also hinted at the stir being used by those who have a “separate agenda on issues including India’s sovereignty and integrity”.

 
On November 28 itself, Haryana Chief Minister Manohar Lal Khattar claimed that his government had information of “Khalistani presence” in the farmers’ movement. On December 8, the Special Cell of Delhi Police arrested five Khalistani and Hizbul Mujahideen ‘terrorists’ after an ‘encounter’ in Delhi. The Special Cell, infamous as the favourite instrument of the intelligence agencies for dirty-ops, has claimed that those arrested were involved in narco-terrorism sponsored by Pakistan and were trying to link up Khalistani operatives with terror outfits in Kashmir.
 
It may not be entirely coincidental that the national security narrative was further hyped up two days later, with the National Intelligence Agency filing an omnibus chargesheet against 16 persons (all living abroad in Canada, the US and UK) affiliated to Sikhs for Justice (SFJ), Khalistan Tiger Force and Babbar Khalsa International, accusing them of hatching an “organised conspiracy” to further the Khalistani cause, instigating Sikh personnel in the Indian Army to mutiny and attempting to radicalise Kashmiri youth. Media reports related to the chargesheets suggested that the SFJ and other Khalistani outfits, operating out of Pakistan, would “attempt to use the current unrest over the farmers’ agitation to infiltrate the stir and to whip up disaffection”.

 
Raosaheb Dhanve, a minister in the government, even alleged that Pakistan and China were behind the ongoing farmers’ stir. Unable to admit that it is facing the consequences of its haste in bringing in the new farm laws, the government is clearly trying to deflect the blame on all the usual suspects.
 
The co-option of the media to draw parallels between the farmers’ agitation and the Bhima-Koregaon violence near Pune in 2018 lends credence to suspicions that the agitation may lead to violence and arson in the days to come. This implies that should the stand-off continue, the government would have established grounds to arrest selected farmers’ leaders under its favourite law against dissent, the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA).

 
If the government is cynically developing the Khalistani angle to prepare for the eventuality of a crackdown on the agitating farmers, it must be aware that such propaganda can create a problem where none exists. Smearing the farmers will also fan anti-India sentiment in the Sikh diaspora among whom separatist elements are as yet minuscule.
 
Clearly, the government fears loss of support amongst the Sikhs because of its handling of the agitation. That would explain why it is using the database of IRCTC (Indian Railway Catering and Tourism Corporation) to send a 45-page booklet titled “PM Modi and his government’s special relationship with Sikhs” to everyone registered on the ticket-booking site from Punjab or having the surname “Singh”. The booklet has chapters on “FCRA registration granted to Sri Harmandir Sahib”, “For the first time no taxes on any langar”, “Allowing global sangat participation”, “Sri Kartarpur corridor: seamless access”, “Slashing the blacklist [incidentally, of alleged Khalistani sympathisers denied Indian visa], reaching out with a shoulder (sic) of support” and “Wiping tears of riot victims: Justice delivered after denial of three decades”.

 
The public is being told that the principle guiding the government in dealing with the farmers is of dialogue – “Kuch kahiye, kuch suniye (Listen as well as speak)” in the words of Prime Minister Modi. This hardly squares with the government’s clear desire for a compromise on its own terms.
 
Although the Modi government has withdrawn unpopular legislative initiatives before, such as the ordinance on land acquisition in 2015 and the amendments to the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act of 1989, it is wary of repealing the new farm laws as demanded by the farmers.

 
However, if it does not concede, the Bharatiya Janata Party’s coalition government in Haryana could fall. Its partner, the Jannayak Janata Party (JJP) of Deputy Chief Minister Dushyant Chautala may be forced to withdraw support. The JJP is predominantly a party of Jat farmers. Already, Haryana farmers are preventing JJP legislators from visiting their constituencies.
 
Meanwhile, the longer the farmers’ agitation is protracted, the more the government will be hurt by accusations of being “Ambani-Adani ki Sarkar (the government of Ambani and Adani)”. This will erode the credibility of the Modi government among the poor. Even in the corporate sector an adverse perception could grow that doing business in India is no longer a level playing field with the government captured by two corporate giants.