A Union Cabinet reshuffle usually reflects a prime minister’s mix of priorities — coalition requirements, political constraints, caste considerations, as well as some questions of accountability and efficiency. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s first reshuffle of his Cabinet since he was re-elected in 2019 presumably is no exception. It will be scrutinised not just for what it says about future political directions of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its partners in the National Democratic Alliance, but also for what the prime minister’s opinions are about the effectiveness or otherwise of recent policy. From that point of view, the big news — given the continuing shadow of Covid-19 — is surely the departure of the Union health minister, as well as the minister of state in that ministry. Taking the risk of having a completely new set of hands at such a crucial ministry in the middle of the pandemic cannot but be seen as an admission that it has not been performing up to par so far. It is not just that the country was broadly unprepared for the second wave, but also that the vaccination rollout was delayed and now questions are being asked by many, including the Supreme Court, about supply constraints and distribution mechanisms. A new hand steering India’s pandemic response will be welcomed by many.
No changes appear to have been made to the big four ministries — home, finance, defence, and external affairs. But other major changes in the Cabinet tell their own tale. The communications and information technology ministry, for example, will be under new stewardship. This comes at a time when recent rules framed for the Information Technology Act have set off a firestorm of criticism, and the ministry has been on a collision course with various social media companies. It remains to be seen if this change will lead to cooler heads prevailing, and some sort of reasonable compromise being discovered. Another ministry with new leadership will be the education ministry, of which both the Cabinet minister and the minister of state have submitted their resignation to the President. Here, too, there are new regulations — the National Education Policy — which have recently been released to considerable criticism. Hopefully, here too, compromises will be discovered by the new team in charge. It is a positive that the prime minister has sought to provide new leadership to these and other beleaguered departments.
While some changes are clearly to provide greater administrative efficiency — for example, the decision to bring the Department of Public Enterprises within the ambit of the finance ministry is likely to help push the disinvestment programme — the broader political questions of exclusion and inclusion are also relevant. Some states have seen their entire representation shift, sometimes following shake-ups in local politics. West Bengal, for example, will see four new faces in the council of ministers, three representing communities — north Bengal tribals, the Rajbongshi community of the same area, and the influential Matuas — who remained loyal to the BJP in the recent Assembly elections. Similar political considerations are visible in other state contingents as well. The expansion of the council of ministers has also allowed for greater representation of the BJP’s coalition partners and prominent defectors like Jyotiraditya Scindia. Overall, it is to be hoped that this reshuffle will set a tone for the next phase of the Modi government that is more inclusive, consensual, and efficient.
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