However, those who do not understand Rajasthan politics would not know how important Ola is for the Congress, given the state is gearing up for the Assembly elections in November.
Ola belongs to the Shekhawati region of Rajasthan - comprising Sikar, Jhunjhunu and Churu districts - that has given India more wealth per square metre than any other. It is the heart of Marwar - the original home of the Birlas, Dalmias, Morarkas, Bangurs, Khaitans, Kedias, Poddars, Singhanias, Modis and Goenkas and scores of lesser industrialists. It also has the second-largest number of soldiers per square kilometre in India: four out of every 10 soldiers who died in the Kargil conflict were from Marwar.
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Ola is not of that calibre, though he has an undeniable independent following. Given he is 86, it is hardly surprising that he fought his first election in 1957. Since then, he has been a member of legislative Assembly eight times and a member of Parliament five times. He has won as an independent and a representative of the lamented Tiwari Congress.
Ola is not particularly well read - he can barely speak English and his Hindi is just about passable. But he has a style of campaigning that matches Balram Jakhar - he thinks nothing of touching the feet of a woman half his age for a vote; he will cry with real tears to solicit sympathy; and while campaigning with his men, he will use coarse language, weighed down by four-letter words to run down the Congress' opponents.
None of these has to do with governance. In fact, it has to do with the worst possible values that dominate Indian society and politics - feudalism and patriarchy. All that the Congress has done by elevating him is give in to these values rather than trying to fight them.
Not that the Congress didn't have a choice. It could have elevated 40-year-old Jyoti Mirdha - a qualified doctor who won her seat by a margin of 150,000 votes against Ola's 65,000. But Mirdha's word doesn't count in any constituency, except her own. And the Congress desperately needs Jats, more specifically, a Jat leader.
The reason is the Bhanwari Devi case that resulted in the conviction and imprisonment of Mahipal Maderna, a prominent Jat in the Ashok Gehlot-led Congress government. Maderna had illicit relations with Devi, a nurse. And when she became too demanding, he had her murdered. The Jats, in the fashion of a close-knit clan, blamed everything and everybody from aliens to Zionists for Maderna's actions, but never accepted that he might have been at fault. Consequently, Gehlot and the Congress came in for a lot of flak - not least from the selfsame Ola as well.
Of course, Ola had another agenda. He and Gehlot detest each other ever since Ola tried to sabotage Gehlot's chances of becoming the state chief minister in 2008 and nearly succeeded. However, it was Gehlot who finally got the job and now, in order to stave off the caste challenge posed by Vasundhara Raje - who married into the Jat family of Dholpur - ahead of the Assembly elections, has not opposed Ola's elevation, though he would have preferred it if his protege, Harish Chaudhary from Barmer, had got the job. Ola was the favoured one because Gehlot absolutely did not want Mirdha to be elevated: Ola might go on for eight months, but once in the government, Mirdha would be a permanent headache.
For Gehlot, however, Ola's promotion is a blessing in disguise: at least he'll be out of Gehlot's hair during the Assembly elections. And Ola is perfectly comfortable in the labour ministry, where not a whole lot is happening any way.