REAGAN
The Life
H W Brands
Doubleday;
805 pages; $35
For a man who lived most of his life on camera, Ronald Reagan eludes focus. There was, and remains, a gauziness to the picture; Reagan retained, throughout his political career, the remoteness of a screen idol, though he never achieved that status as a movie actor. He was ubiquitous for decades and, as president, left a lasting imprint on America's political culture. Yet he was all the same an unknowable man - even to those nearest him. In White House meetings, he was mostly silent, often leaving his aides to guess at (and feud over) his views. In his personal relationships, he was unfailingly warm but rarely intimate. "He doesn't let anybody get too close," one observer said. "There's a wall around him." That the observer was his wife, Nancy, should give pause to any politician or pundit who claims to know what Reagan would do if he were here today. (It should, but it won't.)
It should also serve as a warning to any biographer. A two-volume treatment by Lou Cannon, who covered Reagan as a reporter for more than three decades, arguably got close to the real Reagan. But that was a rare achievement. The example of Edmund Morris provides a cautionary tale: in the mid-1980s, having won the Pulitzer Prize, he signed on to write an authorised biography of Reagan and was given extraordinary access to the man and his papers. Yet Mr Morris found his subject so confounding that - in a spectacularly misguided attempt to understand and explain Reagan - he rendered himself a fictional character, worked his way into Reagan's life story and called the resulting book, Dutch, "an advance in biographical honesty".
And where biographers fear to tread, monographers run wild and free, publishing shorter takes on narrower topics. The Reagan canon contains books on his spirituality, his character and his dream of a world free of nuclear weapons; books on his successful run for governor of California in 1966, his failed campaign for the Republican nomination in 1976 and his election as president in 1980; and books on his love letters to Nancy and his relationships with speaker of the House Thomas P (Tip) O'Neill and former UK prime minister Margaret Thatcher. Taken together, these books constitute a blind-men-and-the-elephant approach to reconstructing Reagan. Even if one were to read them all, Reagan's own question - a line from one of his films, King's Row - would remain: "Where's the rest of me?"
The answer might seem likely to be found somewhere in Reagan: The Life, the first substantial biography of the 40th president in the decade and a half since Dutch. Undaunted by Mr Morris's misadventure, the historian H W Brands does not break a sweat in his brisk, if extended, stroll through Reagan's long life. Mr Brands is at ease in the company of a colossus; in Reagan, as in his popular biographies of Andrew Jackson, Franklin Roosevelt and other great men, he breezes through and around complexities without pause or digression. His portrait of Reagan is fair-minded if fond; Reagan is free of the partisan axe-grinding and mostly free of the mythmaking that characterises much of the Reagan bookshelf.
Like his subject, Mr Brands appears happiest when he's telling a story, and Reagan, of course, provides many excellent ones - from his good humour in the emergency room after being shot by John Hinckley in 1981 to his two-day-long negotiation with the Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev in Reykjavik, Iceland, in 1986, the prelude to a historic arms reduction agreement the following year. Few of these stories, though, are unfamiliar. Reagan is a greatest hits collection that is light on new material. Considered against other biographies in its weight class Mr Brands's account is peculiarly unambitious, overfull of pat and timeworn observations. On Reagan's enduring appeal, he writes that "Reagan loved the camera, and the camera loved him. The affair would last a lifetime". On the political power of Reagan's jokes and anecdotes, he notes that "democratic elections are, at their most basic level, popularity contests, and Reagan knew how to be popular". It is counterintuitive to call an 800-page book superficial, but length does not equal depth.
Mr Brands, who holds an endowed chair in history at the University of Texas at Austin, shows a surprising indifference to the literature on his subject. Aside from marquee memoirs by Michael Deaver, Donald Regan, George Shultz and other members of the Reagan staff and cabinet, Mr Brands draws on very few books at all, and apparently even fewer primary documents - typically the biographer's manna. This despite the government's rolling declassification of millions of pages of memos, notes and correspondence from the Reagan years. The chapter on Reagan's February 1981 address to Congress, in which he set out his economic agenda, cites only a single source: the text of the speech. An account of Reagan's six-day visit to China in 1984 relies almost exclusively on Reagan's own diary.
Reagan is, in the end, a missed opportunity - a disappointingly thin and strangely inert portrait of a president who, given his hold on the conservative imagination, still needs to be better understood. His admirers have worked so assiduously for so long to promote a particular notion of Reagan - the tax-cutting, government-loathing Reagan, the line-in-the-sand Reagan who was unafraid to rattle a sabre or call an empire "evil" - that over time it has become harder, not easier, to apprehend the essential Reagan, contradictions and all. The appropriation of Reagan's image by those who reject and deny his political pragmatism requires in response a sharper, clearer, fuller portrait than Mr Brands provides. The rest of Reagan might never be knowable, but the search is important and ought to go on.
The Life
H W Brands
Doubleday;
805 pages; $35
For a man who lived most of his life on camera, Ronald Reagan eludes focus. There was, and remains, a gauziness to the picture; Reagan retained, throughout his political career, the remoteness of a screen idol, though he never achieved that status as a movie actor. He was ubiquitous for decades and, as president, left a lasting imprint on America's political culture. Yet he was all the same an unknowable man - even to those nearest him. In White House meetings, he was mostly silent, often leaving his aides to guess at (and feud over) his views. In his personal relationships, he was unfailingly warm but rarely intimate. "He doesn't let anybody get too close," one observer said. "There's a wall around him." That the observer was his wife, Nancy, should give pause to any politician or pundit who claims to know what Reagan would do if he were here today. (It should, but it won't.)
It should also serve as a warning to any biographer. A two-volume treatment by Lou Cannon, who covered Reagan as a reporter for more than three decades, arguably got close to the real Reagan. But that was a rare achievement. The example of Edmund Morris provides a cautionary tale: in the mid-1980s, having won the Pulitzer Prize, he signed on to write an authorised biography of Reagan and was given extraordinary access to the man and his papers. Yet Mr Morris found his subject so confounding that - in a spectacularly misguided attempt to understand and explain Reagan - he rendered himself a fictional character, worked his way into Reagan's life story and called the resulting book, Dutch, "an advance in biographical honesty".
And where biographers fear to tread, monographers run wild and free, publishing shorter takes on narrower topics. The Reagan canon contains books on his spirituality, his character and his dream of a world free of nuclear weapons; books on his successful run for governor of California in 1966, his failed campaign for the Republican nomination in 1976 and his election as president in 1980; and books on his love letters to Nancy and his relationships with speaker of the House Thomas P (Tip) O'Neill and former UK prime minister Margaret Thatcher. Taken together, these books constitute a blind-men-and-the-elephant approach to reconstructing Reagan. Even if one were to read them all, Reagan's own question - a line from one of his films, King's Row - would remain: "Where's the rest of me?"
The answer might seem likely to be found somewhere in Reagan: The Life, the first substantial biography of the 40th president in the decade and a half since Dutch. Undaunted by Mr Morris's misadventure, the historian H W Brands does not break a sweat in his brisk, if extended, stroll through Reagan's long life. Mr Brands is at ease in the company of a colossus; in Reagan, as in his popular biographies of Andrew Jackson, Franklin Roosevelt and other great men, he breezes through and around complexities without pause or digression. His portrait of Reagan is fair-minded if fond; Reagan is free of the partisan axe-grinding and mostly free of the mythmaking that characterises much of the Reagan bookshelf.
Like his subject, Mr Brands appears happiest when he's telling a story, and Reagan, of course, provides many excellent ones - from his good humour in the emergency room after being shot by John Hinckley in 1981 to his two-day-long negotiation with the Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev in Reykjavik, Iceland, in 1986, the prelude to a historic arms reduction agreement the following year. Few of these stories, though, are unfamiliar. Reagan is a greatest hits collection that is light on new material. Considered against other biographies in its weight class Mr Brands's account is peculiarly unambitious, overfull of pat and timeworn observations. On Reagan's enduring appeal, he writes that "Reagan loved the camera, and the camera loved him. The affair would last a lifetime". On the political power of Reagan's jokes and anecdotes, he notes that "democratic elections are, at their most basic level, popularity contests, and Reagan knew how to be popular". It is counterintuitive to call an 800-page book superficial, but length does not equal depth.
Mr Brands, who holds an endowed chair in history at the University of Texas at Austin, shows a surprising indifference to the literature on his subject. Aside from marquee memoirs by Michael Deaver, Donald Regan, George Shultz and other members of the Reagan staff and cabinet, Mr Brands draws on very few books at all, and apparently even fewer primary documents - typically the biographer's manna. This despite the government's rolling declassification of millions of pages of memos, notes and correspondence from the Reagan years. The chapter on Reagan's February 1981 address to Congress, in which he set out his economic agenda, cites only a single source: the text of the speech. An account of Reagan's six-day visit to China in 1984 relies almost exclusively on Reagan's own diary.
Reagan is, in the end, a missed opportunity - a disappointingly thin and strangely inert portrait of a president who, given his hold on the conservative imagination, still needs to be better understood. His admirers have worked so assiduously for so long to promote a particular notion of Reagan - the tax-cutting, government-loathing Reagan, the line-in-the-sand Reagan who was unafraid to rattle a sabre or call an empire "evil" - that over time it has become harder, not easier, to apprehend the essential Reagan, contradictions and all. The appropriation of Reagan's image by those who reject and deny his political pragmatism requires in response a sharper, clearer, fuller portrait than Mr Brands provides. The rest of Reagan might never be knowable, but the search is important and ought to go on.
© The New York Times News Service 2015