Muddasani Kodandaram, chairman of the Telangana Joint Action Committee (JAC), comprising different political parties and pro-Telangana outfits, feels the ongoing agitation in the Andhra and the Rayalaseema regions (being called as Seemandhra) is an undemocratic movement. He also feels the agitation will not make the Centre reconsider its decision to accord statehood to the Telangana region. In an interview with Prashanth Chintala, he says the living conditions of the Telangana people will improve in a separate state. Edited excerpts:
How do you feel about the latest developments on Telangana?
Well, we are quite happy with the Cabinet decision. However, we still feel there is a lot of work to be done before the Telangana state becomes a reality. We want to focus on this area. We would like to make a concerted effort to ensure that the Telangana state becomes a reality at the earliest and at the same time, we achieve all our rights in the process.
What we want to say is that you can't force a region to unite with another. Forcible unity will lead to the domination of one region over the other. And domination goes against the essential tenets of democracy and also the basic tenets of the Indian Constitution. So, it is an undemocratic movement. In fact, there cannot be a movement for an integrated state. You can appeal, you can try to convince the people, but you cannot force them to unite.
Do you have any apprehensions that the Centre might go back on its decision to accord statehood to the Telangana region in the light of the current agitation in Seemandhra?
I don't think so. Having given a word, the Centre cannot go back. The Congress Working Committee had decided, the United Progressive Alliance coordination committee has taken a decision on the issue, and finally, the Cabinet has ratified it. So, I don't think that the Centre can go back at this stage.
Why do you think that the ruling Congress at the Centre that opposed the division of the state during the 1969 agitation, had conceded to the demand for a separate state now?
In 1969, there were apprehensions that if one state was formed, it would open a Pandora's box and similar demands would follow suit. Besides, they (the Congress) always thought political accommodation was a solution to such problems. It worked in those days because leaders could be purchased and accommodated. But now, the social base of the Indian democracy has widened and people are not willing to accept such things so easily. Even if the political leadership is purchased, people are not willing to give up their demands. Thus, there has been a pressure on the Congress party to do something.
What have been the testing times for you as the JAC convenor and chairman?
The JAC has different political parties and a wide variety of other outfits. Each entity has its own distinct experience and distinct organisational structure. Given this diversity, keeping the groups together had been one of the difficult tasks. Secondly, there were times when people felt disillusioned that they may not be able to achieve their demand. We have to strive hard to convince people that we can achieve a Telangana state.
When did you get the confidence that the Telangana state will be a reality?
In September 2012, we had gone to New Delhi to mobilise support for "Sagara Haram" (a massive programme to encircle the Hussain Sagar in Hyderabad); we met a number of political leaders who had given an impression that some day or the other the new state will be formed. We got an impression that the Union government was, after all, working towards the formation of a Telangana state. But that was only an impression. Much later, when the Centre convened an all-party meeting, the hopes were rekindled. We got a feeling that the process might be initiated any time.
What benefits will the Telangana people get in a new state?
The state and the Union governments now have to allocate Telangana its due share in all the resources. They have neglected tanks, irrigation, schools and colleges in this region. And even small scale industries that existed in the past have all been neglected. When Telangana becomes a reality, to begin with, tanks can be improved, irrigation can be further strengthened and as a consequence, more land can be brought under cultivation. Once agriculture improves, agro-based industries will also prosper, small businesses will pick up and opportunties will open up for investments. Thus, the living conditions of the people can be improved.
The major issues being raised by Seemandhra leaders are related to Hyderabad and the sharing of river waters. What do you say about these two aspects?
Both are not based on any strong premises. As far as the Godavari basin is concerned, a lot of water enters the river only at the lower reaches. That water cannot be tapped by Telangana even if it wants to. In the Krishna basin, water has already been allocated to different projects and regions. There is no water left that can be tapped for redistribution. All this while, the Telangana water has been diverted and used by the Rayalaseema region. As a separate state, Telangana gets the legal right to utilise this water. And that is what really bothers the rulers in the Andhra and Rayalaseema regions. As far as Hyderabad is concerned, their fears are again unfounded. We are Indian citizens. It is not becoming a separate country. As citizens we have all the rights guaranteed by the Constitution. Besides, we do not want to hurt the Andhra people by denying their due share in resources and employment. What we want to make it clear is that we do not want to give up our share, too.
What will be the political scenario in the two states after the bifurcation?
The social base in governments of both regions will be wider. Hitherto neglected, marginalised groups would enter politics and also acquire a share in power, which I think is a good sign. In any democracy, the political legitimacy and political stability increase the moment the social base in the political structure widens. Across the world, political stability becomes an essential factor for economic development. So, both states will prosper.
How has your transformation been from academics to political activism?
I have always been associated with some civil society or the other, I was more active in civil liberties movement. In the 1990s, when farmer suicides were taking place in the state, we studied it in great detail and realised that the agrarian crisis cannot be resolved until the bifurcation takes place. After this, we became active in the Telangana movement. We formed ourselves into a group called "Telangana Literates Forum" and campaigned for a separate statehood to the region.
Do you plan to go back to academics once the new state is formed?
I would continue with academic activity for whatever the service period I have left with and also remain active in the civil society.
How do you feel about the latest developments on Telangana?
Well, we are quite happy with the Cabinet decision. However, we still feel there is a lot of work to be done before the Telangana state becomes a reality. We want to focus on this area. We would like to make a concerted effort to ensure that the Telangana state becomes a reality at the earliest and at the same time, we achieve all our rights in the process.
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What is your opinion on the ongoing agitation by the people in Seemandhra region?
What we want to say is that you can't force a region to unite with another. Forcible unity will lead to the domination of one region over the other. And domination goes against the essential tenets of democracy and also the basic tenets of the Indian Constitution. So, it is an undemocratic movement. In fact, there cannot be a movement for an integrated state. You can appeal, you can try to convince the people, but you cannot force them to unite.
Do you have any apprehensions that the Centre might go back on its decision to accord statehood to the Telangana region in the light of the current agitation in Seemandhra?
I don't think so. Having given a word, the Centre cannot go back. The Congress Working Committee had decided, the United Progressive Alliance coordination committee has taken a decision on the issue, and finally, the Cabinet has ratified it. So, I don't think that the Centre can go back at this stage.
Why do you think that the ruling Congress at the Centre that opposed the division of the state during the 1969 agitation, had conceded to the demand for a separate state now?
In 1969, there were apprehensions that if one state was formed, it would open a Pandora's box and similar demands would follow suit. Besides, they (the Congress) always thought political accommodation was a solution to such problems. It worked in those days because leaders could be purchased and accommodated. But now, the social base of the Indian democracy has widened and people are not willing to accept such things so easily. Even if the political leadership is purchased, people are not willing to give up their demands. Thus, there has been a pressure on the Congress party to do something.
What have been the testing times for you as the JAC convenor and chairman?
The JAC has different political parties and a wide variety of other outfits. Each entity has its own distinct experience and distinct organisational structure. Given this diversity, keeping the groups together had been one of the difficult tasks. Secondly, there were times when people felt disillusioned that they may not be able to achieve their demand. We have to strive hard to convince people that we can achieve a Telangana state.
When did you get the confidence that the Telangana state will be a reality?
In September 2012, we had gone to New Delhi to mobilise support for "Sagara Haram" (a massive programme to encircle the Hussain Sagar in Hyderabad); we met a number of political leaders who had given an impression that some day or the other the new state will be formed. We got an impression that the Union government was, after all, working towards the formation of a Telangana state. But that was only an impression. Much later, when the Centre convened an all-party meeting, the hopes were rekindled. We got a feeling that the process might be initiated any time.
What benefits will the Telangana people get in a new state?
The state and the Union governments now have to allocate Telangana its due share in all the resources. They have neglected tanks, irrigation, schools and colleges in this region. And even small scale industries that existed in the past have all been neglected. When Telangana becomes a reality, to begin with, tanks can be improved, irrigation can be further strengthened and as a consequence, more land can be brought under cultivation. Once agriculture improves, agro-based industries will also prosper, small businesses will pick up and opportunties will open up for investments. Thus, the living conditions of the people can be improved.
The major issues being raised by Seemandhra leaders are related to Hyderabad and the sharing of river waters. What do you say about these two aspects?
Both are not based on any strong premises. As far as the Godavari basin is concerned, a lot of water enters the river only at the lower reaches. That water cannot be tapped by Telangana even if it wants to. In the Krishna basin, water has already been allocated to different projects and regions. There is no water left that can be tapped for redistribution. All this while, the Telangana water has been diverted and used by the Rayalaseema region. As a separate state, Telangana gets the legal right to utilise this water. And that is what really bothers the rulers in the Andhra and Rayalaseema regions. As far as Hyderabad is concerned, their fears are again unfounded. We are Indian citizens. It is not becoming a separate country. As citizens we have all the rights guaranteed by the Constitution. Besides, we do not want to hurt the Andhra people by denying their due share in resources and employment. What we want to make it clear is that we do not want to give up our share, too.
What will be the political scenario in the two states after the bifurcation?
The social base in governments of both regions will be wider. Hitherto neglected, marginalised groups would enter politics and also acquire a share in power, which I think is a good sign. In any democracy, the political legitimacy and political stability increase the moment the social base in the political structure widens. Across the world, political stability becomes an essential factor for economic development. So, both states will prosper.
How has your transformation been from academics to political activism?
I have always been associated with some civil society or the other, I was more active in civil liberties movement. In the 1990s, when farmer suicides were taking place in the state, we studied it in great detail and realised that the agrarian crisis cannot be resolved until the bifurcation takes place. After this, we became active in the Telangana movement. We formed ourselves into a group called "Telangana Literates Forum" and campaigned for a separate statehood to the region.
Do you plan to go back to academics once the new state is formed?
I would continue with academic activity for whatever the service period I have left with and also remain active in the civil society.