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Society, govt need to work together: Former BJP leader Govindacharya

Mob lynching is not happening in the name of Gauraksha only, says Govindacharya

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Govindacharya | Illustration: Binay Sinha
Shikha Shalini
Last Updated : Sep 02 2018 | 5:30 AM IST
Former Bharatiya Janata Party officer bearer, Govindacharya in an interview to Shikha Shalini, recalls the ruling party’s tenure during former prime minister Vajpayee, what the current leadership needs to do for a promising future and the ‘real’ cause of tension in the society.

How do you compare Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Narendra Modi as Prime Minister? 

The two have an equivalent stature. But of course they have their own influence and style. Back then, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) used to be mostly in the Opposition. Atal ji was PM in 1996 and then from 1998 to 2004. When Narendra Modi ji joined BJP, he spent most of his time in regional politics. At the all India level, he became the Prime Minister of India straightaway. For the first time, the BJP managed to get full majority on its own. There is a difference in the circumstances of the two leaders. At that time (during the Atal era) dialogue was necessary and only after that were initiatives taken. But now the full focus is on initiatives. Atal ji had vast experience while Modi’s hard work is his biggest plus point. As far as the country is concerned, Modi needs to increase the dialogue. At this juncture it is not meaningful to discuss what Atal ji would have needed to do.

What were the issues of differences between you and Vajpayee and what did the party think about those issues?

Different opinions but one decision. There was such openness at the time of Atal ji that we could say what we thought despite different views. You can either consider this freedom of speech; or dialogue with restraint and dignity. 

I can give you some examples. L M Singhvi ji’s name was mentioned as Rajya Sabha member from Rajasthan when I was in charge. I protested. I asked how this name came up when it had not been approved by the state?

But if I have an opinion but others think differently then it is also my duty to accept the opinion of the majority. There are many such examples like Swadeshi Aandolan, opening the insurance sector to foreign investment, etc. Sometimes agreement was forged, but not every time. 

Many things were taken into account in the assembly elections in Bihar and Jharkhand when I was in charge. Candidates were to be selected and no decision could be reached. The then party president, Advani ji told me to handle it. I talked to various group of people. At one point, the party voted to decide on the future candidate. Then we decided on the name of Raghubar Das — who is now the Jharkhand chief minister. I told Advani: You will find this name unfamiliar but he’s the one local workers want.  

You are one of the first to talk about social engineering in BJP but your views were not accepted. Now the party is talking to the Dalit and backwards. Your comments on this?

I would not say that my views were not accepted but it was not understood. I believe that ekatm manavwad (Humanism) should be the creed and to make this acceptable, the party will need to change its style of functioning. I talked about chal, charitra aur chehra (move, character and face). For example, I said if the party has to hold a public meeting, then it should be done in the daytime so that villagers have the option of participating; because in the evening, only the people of the city can take part. This is very small thing and I referred to this as chal. In the same way I said the chehra (face) is important through which people relate psychologically. A sense of belonging, identification of the people, is essential. During the Jayaprakash Narayan movement, I spoke to him about Lalu Prasad Yadav. Jayprakash ji explained that if we kept voicing our reservations about individuals, the agitation would face serious problems. People like Lalu Prasad should be seen to be leading his community and must be considered as a leader by the community, not by us. 

In the same way, there is also a chartitra (character) so that you are accepted by the lower middle class even if there is a tinge of upper class in you. In Marxist parlance, you have to declass yourself. According to your opinion, reservation may be a very bad thing, but if you see it from their point of view, they came into the mainstream only because of reservation. Social justice has to be coupled with social equity.

How do you see the future of BJP and Narendra Modi?

About 100 years ago, socialism and Marxism used to be the mainstream political discourse. 

In the last 60 years, communalism and secularism have become the centre of the discourse supplemented by socialism and democracy. 

The essence of Bharatiya nationalism, which I consider to be Hindutva, is iridescent. During the period of socialism, the Hindu Mahasabha talked about Hindu socialism, people of Arya Samaj about Vedic Socialism. Without the suffix, it was not considered relevant.

Today, different forms of Hindutva are being discussed: Soft Hindutva, hard Hindutva, radical Hindutva… This is a destined course. It is the resettlement of Bhartiya society — and there will also be aberrations. I remember well that the journalists had told me, if you are talking about the Ramjanmabhoomi, there are some extremists who are the aberration and one day they will become mainstream. I said that the roots of dignity of dialogue in Indian culture, respect for the views of others, which we call basic democratic values, are very deep.

I do not know much about electoral dynamics. Today I read the PM saying that 100 paisa is reaching to the lower level. The government has initiated many schemes like Mudra Yojna, Make in India, Skill India but the biggest problem is the crisis of livelihood. 

What will happen to educated unemployed people? People who are handling the government’s work portray a good picture. But the picture at the grassroots is very different. 

As far as party workers and members are concerned, they have no say in the current administration. There is a strange kind of tension in society and one spark will lead to chaos. 

The role of party workers after the party comes to power must be properly formulated and must percolate down. Between 1995 and 2000, I raised flags about these things. I was told that this is not the Sangh, not ABVP, that it is a political party. I heard but I was not convinced. There were many senior to me with whom I could not argue so I just kept my mouth shut.

You have good relations with Arun Shourie and Yashwant Sinha who are very vocal against the party, do you see your image in them?

Not at all. (Laugh) I did not take leave from the party in 2000 because of any despair, neglect or complaint. I took leave from the party for a positive purpose. I took leave for study of the impact of globalisation on society, polity, economy and culture. 

I landed in politics because of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. Even after the Sangh Parivar, there is a category which is essential for the country, the Mahaparivar whose purpose is to adhere to peaceful activities. We should associate ourselves with meaningful issues and values and even if we are proud of ourselves, we should not forget to respect other’s idea.

What is your assessment of the 2019 elections?

Efforts will be made to win, but it seems this time the percentage of the Nota (None of the above) vote will also increase. 

In the name of cow protection, incidents of mob lynching have increased. What is your response?

Mob lynching is not happening in the name of Gauraksha only. There is also a lot of stress in the society because of social, economic and political reasons. There is mutual mistrust and insensitiveness. At a local level, authoritarianism has increased. These are also the reasons behind lynching. 

As far as the cow is concerned, everyone needs to understand clearly that the cow in India can no longer be neglected. Hindu society has been ignored and suppressed for decades. This is a major reason for distrust and disappointment in society. Both society and the government will have to try to set this right. 

But incidents of these kind have increased recently and there seems to be full support for it?

Look at Ramjanmabhoomi. The December 6 incident did not happen suddenly. It happened because feelings of Hindu society were ignored. Politics of minority, vote bank politics is also the reason for this. The majority cannot become a vote bank. The attempt to create vote bank politics is anti-politics and all parties are involved in it.