In the one month or so that the Zoram People’s Movement (ZPM), led by Chief Minister Lalduhoma, a former IPS (Indian Police Service) officer of the 1974 batch, has been in power in Mizoram, Aizawl has made one or two things absolutely clear to New Delhi.
One, it will do no political deals with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). It has conveyed its feelings cordially, without rancour, but firmly. Cordially, because it would not do to pick a fight with the central government. Like most Northeastern states, Mizoram is deeply dependent on New Delhi for grants and aid. But of all Northeastern states, Mizoram has the highest debt-to-GDP ratio. While in power, over the last four years of its rule, the previous Mizo National Front (MNF) government incurred a debt of around ~5,000 crore. In terms of the absolute own tax revenue, Mizoram generated the lowest among all the Northeastern states in 2020-21 and 2021-22.
On the other hand, the ZPM has signalled to New Delhi that it would not join the arc of the Northeastern states in its relationship with the BJP. Previous chief minister Zoramthanga broke a pre-poll alliance with the BJP but did not leave the BJP-led North Eastern Development Alliance (NEDA). On taking office, Mr Lalduhoma announced his party would govern the state with “God’s help”. On his first day at work, along with party colleagues, he also met members of the Mizoram Church Leadership Committee. The local media says the government was under pressure to accommodate at least one of the two BJP MLAs who have won the Assembly election. In fact, state BJP President Vanlalhmuaka told reporters in Aizawl after the election results that his party would be part of the next government. That has not happened so far.
This is not to say the ZPM is on a confrontation course with BJP. Mr Lalduhoma has good personal relations with the Centre, especially Prime Minister Narendra Modi. But friendship and accommodation of the BJP do not serve the ZPM’s strategic goals. Its pitch of Kalphung Thar: Mipui Sawrkar (a new system and people’s government) in the election campaign has raised the expectations of its predominantly young base. Of the 39 candidates it fielded, 15 were below 50, though Mr Lalduhoma himself is 77.
The ZPM may also have recalibrated its dreams for Mizoram. At meetings with Narendra Modi and Minister of External Affairs S Jaishankar, he made it clear the state was opposed to border-fencing with Myanmar. Chin refugees from Myanmar have settled in Mizoram and share kinship with Mizo tribes. They continue to flee Myanmar’s martial regime: Around 30,000 Chin refugees from Myanmar are supported by the church and other charitable organisations. The Kuki or Zo community found shelter in Mizoram after violence between the Meiteis and Kukis in neighbouring Manipur led to waves of refugees. With a population of just over 1.2 million statewide, the sudden entry of 12,000-20,000 people from across a border state has inevitably affected politics, economics, and society in Mizoram. Its already fragile economy is facing severe strain.
Mizo nationalism is well understood and has been a potent political weapon. Although Mr Lalduhoma has so far referred to the unification of Zo territory [contiguous regions of Northeastern India, Myanmar, Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) in Bangladesh, etc], he talked about a Greater Mizoram for the first time after he became chief minister. He said that supporting a Zo homeland would undo a colonial legacy left behind by the British, who divided the Mizo people by carving Burma out of the Indian empire (in 1937). He threw in “Akhand Bharat” for good measure.
It is not clear how this will go down with the Government of India and, indeed, even with local Mizos. While accommodating the Chin refugees was initially seen by Mizos as a humanitarian issue, it doesn’t take long for resentment to build up. This also applies to Kukis from Manipur.
Mr Lalduhoma’s biggest task is economic restructuring of the state: Employment, better terms of trade for Mizoram’s agri-economy, and push for better infrastructure. Sixty per cent of the state’s labour force is employed in agriculture. The government is also a big employer — 45,000 people — leading to a swelling salary and pension bill. A new system and people’s government was a good slogan. Implementation may face challenges.
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