Voting simultaneously

Kovind committee should consult extensively

The Union government last week unveiled two significant political surprises. It first announced a brief Parliament session scheduled from September 18 to 22, without disclosing any specific agenda. But the bigger surprise was the constitution of a high-level committee under the chairmanship of former President of India Ram Nath Kovind to examine the possibility of holding simultaneous elections. Other members of the committee are Union Home Minister Amit Shah, former leader of Opposition (Rajya Sabha) Ghulam Nabi Azad, former chairman of the 15th Finance Commission N K Singh, former Lok Sabha secretary general Subhash C Kashyap, advocate Harish Salve, and former chief vigilance commissioner Sanjay Kothari. Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury, Congress floor leader in the Lok Sabha, decided to opt out.

Curiously, the committee has been formed right before a busy election season, culminating in the Lok Sabha polls in the summer of 2024. In terms of choice of members, it is worth noting that the idea of making changes in the election cycle is a political issue and, thus, the committee should have had wide representation. The terms of reference of the committee include examining constitutional and other aspects, including logistics, and making recommendations “…for holding simultaneous elections to the House of the People (Lok Sabha), State Legislative Assemblies, Municipalities and Panchayats …” To be sure, the idea of holding simultaneous elections is not new and has been studied, among others, by the Law Commission and the department-related parliamentary standing committee on personnel, public grievances, law and justice. In fact, elections to the Lok Sabha and Legislative Assemblies were mostly held simultaneously between 1952 and 1967. But the cycle shifted after the premature dissolution of Assemblies in 1968 and 1969 for various reasons. Starting from 1970, the Lok Sabha also had to be dissolved prematurely on several occasions.

The idea of holding simultaneous elections, at least to the Lok Sabha and Assemblies, has merit. Developmental work is affected by the model code of conduct, and the bigger problem is that political parties are perpetually in campaign mode, which severely affects and influences decision-making. Even routine matters, such as the adjustment of fuel prices due to fluctuations in international markets, are often based on electoral considerations. Simultaneous elections will also save money — both for the exchequer and political parties. However, as highlighted by various reports in the past, aside from amending the Constitution and other laws like the Representation of the People Act, 1951, there would be practical difficulties.

There will always be a possibility of premature dissolution of Assemblies or the Lok Sabha. In such cases not holding elections at the earliest can lead to other complications. It was suggested that the term of Assemblies be extended or curtailed up to a point. To avoid a premature dissolution of the Lok Sabha, the Law Commission and the Election Commission had, for example, suggested that a no-confidence motion be accompanied by a motion of confidence for an alternative government. It will not be an optimal solution. It is important for the government to have the confidence of the house, irrespective of whether the Opposition can provide an alternative or not. The Kovind committee thus will have to examine all such suggestions carefully. It would do well to hold widespread consultations before submitting its report. The government would also be well-advised not to rush, because intended changes will need a political consensus.