R Krishna Das sheds light on the transformation of the Salwa Judum from a people's uprising against the Naxals to an unconstitutional tribal militia
Soyam Mukka, 30, watched helplessly as his younger brother Kondra was brutally killed in the scorching June afternoon of 2005 in Karkeli village of the Bhairamgarh block in Chhattisgarh's Bijapur district. He had been sentenced to death by a Naxal jan adalat (kangaroo court). Kondra's only crime had been to quit the Naxal outfit to return to the mainstream as a farmer. When the Naxals had unleashed a reign of terror in the village, some of the villagers had caught and handed over four dalam, or squad, members to Bhairamgarh police. Kondra was held guilty of informing on them and was killed in full public glare.
Shocked by the incident, Mukka vowed that he would avenge his brother's killing. He was joined by a small group of village youth, which killed four dalam members and warned the rebels against entering the village. The exemplary courage of the group propelled others to join them.
This was the start of the people's uprising against the Naxals in Bastar - a tribal dominated pocket of Chhattisgarh that is now the epicenter of Left insurgency in the country. More people started joining the group and the movement against Naxals started gaining momentum. Police and politicians joined in and hijacked the movement.
The government got involved
MW Ansari, then the Inspector General of Police in Bastar, closely monitored the people's movement before providing security cover, as the villagers were fighting with traditional weapons like bow-arrow and axes. After the police, the state government also got involved with the movement and named it "Salwa Judum".
The authorities later decided to arm the people as fighting the Naxals with their limited resources was a daunting task. The activists were appointed as Special Police Officers (SPOs). Naxal literature seized by the police from time to time revealed that the rebels considered SPOs a tough challenge.
The impact of Salwa Judum
SPOs were locals and many had even worked with the rebels. Hence they had knowledge of the terrain and tactics. The Naxals used to depend on the support of villagers and it was a blow when a major supply line was cut off with the formation of Salwa Judum. Moreover, the Naxals failed to expand their territory and were confined to areas they were already operating in. The cadre expansion of the rebels also came to a halt.
But the movement faltered
The Chhattisgarh government did not draw up a planned strategy based on the inputs of the SPOs, many of whom had worked with the rebels and were aware of their strategies. The masses were with the government against the rebels, but the authorities sat idle rather than use the villagers as informers.
Where Salwa Judum stands now
On July 5, 2011, the Supreme Court of India declared the tribal militia illegal and unconstitutional and ordered its disbanding. Around 4,800 youth working as SPOs, who were getting an honorarium of Rs 3,000 a month, were left in a lurch. The state government immediately absorbed about 80 per cent of the SPOs in the regular police force by relaxing educational and physical eligibility criterion. Those who had passed Class V were recruited, while others were asked to get the pass certificate through the open school.
(Some names have been changed to protect identities)
