Religion-based identity has become a driving force for the mobilisation of violent militant groups who are “indoctrinated” by different schools of “theologians” and motivated to act as defenders of the “purity” of their respective religions or sects that are threatened by “infidels” from the “enemy” religion. These groups have been quite inappropriately categorised as either “non-state actors”’ or “terrorists” because their essential attribute is their firm belief and determination to act as defenders of their religion with the help of modern weaponry. These religion-based fanatics are replicas of similar groups during the crusades of the medieval ages when people considered it their “holy” duty to spread their religious message. One of these jihadi groups is Pakistan-based Lashkar-e-Taiba and the state of Pakistan which, in reality, means the armed forces and Inter-Services Intelligence Directorate that has patronised and promoted it to fight the so-called “proxy war” against Hindu India which it sees as “unjustly” occupying Muslim-majority Kashmir. As Stephen Tankel writes in this comprehensive book “… where al-Qaeda spoke of the ‘Zionist-Crusader Alliance’, Lashkar’s forces were arrayed against a ‘Hindu-Zionist-Crusader Alliance’.”
The value of this study, however, goes much beyond these well-known facts. The focus is on the multi-dimensional aspect of the religious training these jihadis get, the spread of the network of jihadi-supported schools, hospitals and universities that are meant to link the political dimensions of the movement with Islamic theology as followed by the practitioners of jihad. Highly educated people are associated with the activities of Laskhar and Al Qaeda, and the madrasas and mosques provide not only religious training but also act as a nucleus of recruitment of volunteers for the cause of Islam. Consider the humanitarian work of these networks especially during the 2005 earthquake. It is same story when the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh was legitimised and gained a foothold in India by taking up the humanitarian cause of refugees dislocated from Pakistan. Schools established by these organisations have a specific purpose and the author says, “A fair proportion of the curriculum also focused on Jihad … secondary school primers were modified such that ‘C’ is for cat and ‘g’ is for goat became ‘c’ is for Cannon and ‘g’ is for gun. Teachers also had to have taken part in at least one Jihad campaign or gone for military training.”
Indians have always focused their attention on Pakistan-trained jihadis, but the author alerts us to the genesis of the Indian Mujahideen and Student Islamic Movement of India, which came on the public scene as a reaction to the anti-Muslim activities of the Sangh Parivar. They have not looked back after the destruction of Babri Mosque on December 6, 1992. The Kashmir-centred jihadi activities have become an all-India phenomenon as a response to Sangh Parivar’s Hindu fundamentalists. The attack on Indian Parliament in 2001 and Mumbai in 2008 were undertaken by a collective of all these organisations.
In the chapter “Good Jihadi/Bad Jihadi,” the author exposes Pakistan’s “double game”. The “good jihadis” included Lashkar, Jaish-e-Mohammed and Harkat-ul-Mujahideen as well as other smaller Kashmir-centric groups. Stern action was taken against the “bad Jihadis” to keep the Americans in good humour. This spurious distinction did not help Musharraf who escaped two assassination attempts in 2003 within a fortnight. Also, as the author writes, “As collaboration increased between Lashkar members and the Taliban, TTP, the Haqqani Network and other Deobandi militants the sectarian divide shrank…” and India-centred Lashkar now had “other options to choose from”.
What is the main message of this Lashkar story told by Tankel on the basis of his meticulous research? Tankel says, “One member very close to the leadership asserted that ‘the ISI cannot stop its support because the Lashkar has the ability to inflict the biggest losses on India’.” Indians have to be on the alert from danger posed by religious fanatics supported by the Pakistani state. This is one warning by the author. The other matter of concern for Indians is that “A greater number of Indian Muslims were drawn to jihadism after the Gujarat riots in 2002 and Lashkar’s support augmented the lethality of this indigenous movement”. The Sangh Parivar is solely responsible for the birth of Indian Mujahideen and its anti-Muslim activities have put India in danger both externally and within the country.
Tankel’s study is a must-read for every Indian because he has narrated the story of religion-driven militancy, Muslim or Hindu. It was, however, expected that a study of this depth and detail would have raised the larger issue of the revival of religious identity in the Islamic-Arab world, India and even in conservative sections of America. Many eminent scholars have offered explanations on this trend and the author would have done well to re-examine Samuel Huntington’s “Clash of Civilisation” thesis pitting Christianity against Islam. If, on the one hand, Osama bin Laden targeted the Western-Christian countries, on the other, Huntington has inspired governments and intellectuals in these countries to demonise Islam/Muslims. Tankel’s study has a limited time span because he has not offered any new hypothesis for deeper investigation of the complex phenomenon of the revival of religion in the contemporary world.
STORMING THE WORLD STAGE: THE STORY OF LASHKAR-E-TAIBA
Stephen Tankel
Hachette India
352 pages; Rs 550
