Unlike many of his peers in politics, Prithviraj Chavan does not believe in astrology. But, for an aerospace engineer-turned-politician, he is fascinated by the digit one. It is just a coincidence that number one turned lucky for him and aided in getting him the highest post in state politics.
Born on March 17, 1946 (the numerological sum of 46 is one), the 64-year-old (6+4=1) confidant of 10 Janpath was selected as the new chief minister of Maharashtra at a time when the image of the Congress party and the coalition government led by it has taken a serious beating due to the Adarsh scam.
Although it was Congress President Sonia Gandhi who asked him to go to Mumbai as chief minister, he heard of his first ministerial appointment in 2004 from Manmohan Singh. In the hours leading up to the swearing-in ceremony in May 2004, Singh imagined he would keep the finance portfolio.
The stock market had tanked on the news of a Left Front-supported government taking charge in New Delhi and Manmohan Singh had to reassure investors that all was safe with a UPA government. Singh told Chavan that he would be minister of state for finance, and would have to “hold the fort for him at North Block”.
In a day of fast-paced developments, Singh was advised not to keep finance, lest he be seen only as a ‘super finance minister’ rather than as ‘Prime Minister’. He then took Chavan into the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO).
In his first four years in the PMO, Chavan had a low-profile role. He had not yet become the key link between the party president and the PM, with that role played by Sonia-confidant and PMO secretary Pulok Chatterjee. Nor was he as yet a PMO spokesperson — a role the PM assigned to his media advisor, Sanjaya Baru.
Finally, he was not even at the centre of the political management of the nuclear deal, with NSA J N Dixit and M K Narayanan being the key players in the PMO and partymen like Kapil Sibal, Anand Sharma and Ashwini Kumar being the PM’s key defenders in parliament. Chavan came into his own only in the last year of UPA-I, with the exit of Chatterjee and Baru.
He became the key link between Sonia and Manmohan, and the key spokesman of the PMO. It is only in UPA-II that he also played a political role in the legislation of the Nuclear Liability Bill. His increased proximity to Sonia aide Ahmed Patel also helped his political career.
In state politics however, Chavan has been the bridesmaid rather than the bride because of his reluctance to leave national politics or for want of mass support in the Congress party. He will have to make a fresh start in Maharashtra politics. Ironically, he was never elected to the state legislature. He will now have to get himself elected to the Maharashtra Legislative Council after he resigns from the Rajya Sabha.
He works in a dangerous neighbourhood. He has to keep the Congress flag flying in his home district Satara, which is also the area of influence of Nationalist Congress Party chief Sharad Pawar. He was criticised for compromising secular ideals by aligning with communal Shiv Sena in local self-government and gram panchayat elections to keep the NCP at bay.
In his new job, Chavan will have to change his image and style of functioning to become a mass leader, who can take all factions in the Congress party together and take a demoralised Maharashtra to new heights. Not easy, but he can do it.
