Going by the earthy logic of voters of this pre-dominantly rural constituency, former Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Kalyan Singh is a fallen "Ayodhya hero". He is no longer held in awe by Hindus who talk more about issues concerning themselves than the temple. |
Perhaps the issues related to bijli, sadak and pani will be playing havoc with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) stalwart as he readies himself to file the nomination from on April 21. His overarching image of "Hindu hridaysamrat (emperor of the Hindu hea-rts)" has taken a serious beating ever since he rebelled with the BJP, joined hands with Mulayam Singh Yadav and later meekly re-joined the Hindutva forces. |
For the first time, Singh has been reduced to a caste leader and will be banking on the support of his castemen, Lodha rajputs, which form a sizeable chunk of the electorate. |
Interestingly, Singh will also be dependent upon the personal charisma of Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee to sail through in this significant electoral battle of his political life. This assumes significance as Singh during his stint as the UP chief minister in 1999 was accused of sabotaging Vajpayee's poll prospects from Lucknow. But that is history, not politics. |
By all accounts, Singh appears to be hemmed in precariously because of the alliance between the Samajwadi Party and Ajit Singh's Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD). |
In terms of caste loyalties, this alliance throws up a formidable combination, which is expected to give tough time to the BJP. With Badrul Hasan in the fray on the RLD ticket, the Jat-Muslim-Yadav-Gujjar combination may emerge as a powerful equation for the Hindutva forces to neutralise. Singh was given this seat after denying ticket to four-time MP Chatrapal Singh, which has caused disaffection among a section of party workers. |
That the shining India campaign has few takers in this constituency is evident by the dilapidated conditions of the highways and the roads that link the city with rural areas. Barely 40 km away from Delhi, the Grand Trunk Road, Shershah Suri's version of Vajpayee's golden quadrilateral, is full of potholes up to Bulandshahar. Roads linking the city with Ginaura Sheikh, Mashra, Garhi, Manpur villages and the Agauta Assembly segment could easily resemble the roads in Bihar. |
But what is striking is the earthy logic of voters on the eve of polls. "If Ajit Singh is a turn coat than what is Kalyan Singh?" said Devender Singh, a BJP supporter, who now wears his Jat identity on his sleeves and is ready to cast his lot with Ajit Singh's candidate. He will not buy the argument that Mulayam Singh was responsible for the non-payment of dues to sugarcane gro-wers for the past 11 months. |
"What did the BJP do when it supported the Mayawati regi-me?" he asked. "This feel-good is all humbug. Farmers have hardly got anything," he said. |
But there is no doubt that Vajpayee is regarded as the most accepted leader cutting across the caste and communal lines. "Vajpayee must return as the Prime Minister. He has done a lot of good to the country," felt a group of Muslims in Mashra village. |
But Vajpayee's hard-earned goodwill even among a section of Muslims is unlikely to stand in good stead for Kalyan Singh because of his image of "demolisher of the Babri masjid". |
Of course, Vajpayee's charm could enable Singh to co-opt social groups from upper castes. What appears to be a great relief for Singh is the inability of the Congress to declare its candidate. It has heightened the dilemma of the disorganised Congress apparatus. |
But then, Mayawati's decision to field a Brahmin candidate will eat into the BJP's traditional voters. The "Ayodhya hero" of the BJP is caught deep into a complex electoral labyrinth from where he can be taken out safely only through the combined skills of the Sangh Parivar and personal charm of no less a person than Vajpayee. |