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Is there any point in repeatedly allocating big sums of money exclusively for Dalits and Adivasis, without any idea of what is to be done with these?
It is a relevant query to be directed at the government's yearly budget, Union and states, which have been doing this for about two decades, in the name of social justice.
In 1989, the ideas was born of what is termed Special Component Plans for these deprived sections, under which each ministry or department was to set aside in its annual budget an amount proportionate to the population share of scheduled castes and tribes (ST/ST) in the country. Yet, there is no plan even now as to how these funds are to be used.
In the Union budget presented last week, the allocations, called the Scheduled Caste Sub Plan and Tribal Sub Plan, registered a small increase from the previous year, with SCSP getting 0.4 per cent more and TSP getting 0.3 per cent more. These are still short of being proportionate to the population of SC/ST in the country (see box). The other issue is the one mentioned, of the ends sought to be achieved by these.
The Expenditure Budget, Volume 1, gives a list of schemes in various ministries which set aside 20-100 per cent of their funds for the SC/ST. While the 100 per cent allocations are meant for the SC or ST, those under other schemes have been questioned. That many ministries have no schemes which can help SC or ST or any individual directly has been the stated reason for their not having anything to do with the SCSP and TSP. There are 25 such ministries which don't have any obligation to set aside part of their allocations for SC/ST.
'Spending in name'
Says Paul Divakar, general secretary of the Dalit Arthik Adhikar Andolan and National Council for Dalit Human Rights, "In fact, 75 per cent of schemes which have been allocating funds for SCSP and TSP are notional ones. How can allocation for a hostel scheme in the human resource development ministry help SC or ST specifically?"
Just five ministries allocate 100 per cent of funds for SC/ST dedicated programmes. Most ministries make a 20 per cent allocation for SC/ST within various programmes, without designing any mechanisms to target SC/ST beneficiaries.
For example, the seed infrastructure facility under the ministry of agriculture has set aside Rs 79 crore to SCSP and TSP, while the National Food Security Mission (NFSM) has set aside Rs 270 crore for it. NFSM is about raising of crop yields; there is no scheme for helping SC/ST. Even vaguer is the allocation under the National Vector-Borne Disease Control Programme of the health ministry. About Rs 101 crore is set aside but there is no indication as to how this is to help SC or ST.
The Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan has set aside Rs 4,793 crore for the SCSP and TSP. But there are no schemes specific to admission of SC or ST children or recruitment of SC/ST teachers. Again, Rs 2,284 crore is set aside under the head of the Mid-Day Meal Scheme, though this is meant for all children.
In the case of the rural development ministry, the approach has been straightforward. It has set aside funds only in the case of the Indira Awas Yojana and the Swarnajayanti Gram Swarojgar Yojana, where benefits can be extended directly to individuals from the SC/ST. A total of Rs 7,492 crore has been allocated for SCSP and TSP from these two schemes. The flip side is that the ministry has refused to set aside funds for any other scheme, saying segregation of beneficiaries is not possible in, say, the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme or the Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana.
This is true of most schemes and, hence, calls for devising a method to spend the allocated funds.
Way forward
Paul Divakar and other activists call for a paradigm shift in the approach to the special component plan. The funds should be set aside by all programmes ad ministries and its use be done by a third party, dedicated to SC/ST welfare, says Divakar. He feels a legislation on SC/ST funds should create such a mechanism.
In sum, while allocations have been happening at the Centre and states, there is no mechanism to ensure these funds actually reach the dalits and adivasis. The will is missing, says Arun Khote, convenor of the National Movement for Land, Labour and Justice, a dalit rights outfit in Uttar Pradesh.
In UP, which has a model system to track the funds kept aside for dalits, 80 per cent of the money has been lapsing for two decades, says Khote. This year, the state allocated Rs 7,500 crore for the Dalit Sub Plan but has no plan to implement it, he says.
"There is no guideline on how the money is to be used. If the funds raised each year were to be spent only on dalits or adivasis even for five years, they can stop setting aside these funds. It would make them (the communities) self-sufficient," says Khote. "One year they could use it for education, one year for housing, one year they could do direct transfer. Why do they need any more assistance after that?"
He adds this will never happen, as the country likes to keep one section oppressed. Most states are allocating funds from all departments and schemes for dalits and adivasis but without plans to spend the money. "Most of the money is used up when a natural calamity strikes, if they have not already been diverted for building roads and stadiums," he says.
Mohan Gopal, Director of the Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studies in Delhi, feels the only way out is for a third party to monitor and advise ministries on the use of the funds.
