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Aditi Phadnis: Return of the King

PLAIN POLITICS

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Aditi Phadnis New Delhi

King Gyanendra
King Gyanendra's biggest worry is to gain legitimacy as both a ruling and reigning monarch

Last week, as Dutch embassies all over the world celebrated the 25th anniversary of the accession of Queen Beatrix to the throne, and Holland itself saw some joyful celebration, few recalled that Beatrix was crowned amidst some of the worst street violence ever witnessed in Amsterdam, as squatters clashed with police over the desperate housing shortage.

But over the years, Beatrix has made an effort to create a place for herself as a symbol of Holland's unity and has disarmed the anti-monarchy sentiment in that country.

In India's neighbouring Hindu kingdom, Nepal, King Gyanendra will celebrate 100 days of his Royal Coup on May 11.

This indefatigable ruling monarch has supposedly lifted the Emergency imposed on Nepal on February 1 by freeing a handful of political leaders but has arrested a clutch of others on alleged charges of graft. In a move meant to convey that the freedom of speech has been restored, he has allowed mobile phones to function selectively but press censorship continues.

Some 20,000 plainclothesmen all over Kathmandu, their weapons in the jhola slung from their shoulder, are waiting to grab you should you utter a word of criticism against the monarchy.

The Supreme Court of Nepal is like a rabbit, caught in the glare of headlights. Two days ago, it endorsed the creation of the extraconstitutional Royal Commission for Corruption Control (RCCC) and ruled that the actions of the monarch could not be taken to court.

Just what should we make of King Gyanendra's 100 days in power? To gain legitimacy as both a ruling and reigning monarch is Gyanendra's central aim. Consider the circumstances in which he took over as King: he was always the bridesmaid, never the bride. Though he acted as advisor and friend of King Birendra, the King didn't always heed his counsel.

After the new constitution came into force in 1990, and provided for a Royal Council "" the body headed by the crown prince which took decisions when the King was not in town "" Prince Gyanendra was not named on it.

When Birendra had a heart attack in 1998, and had to go to Germany and London for three weeks for surgery later, it was his son Dipendra he left behind in Kathmandu. He took Gyanendra with him. The chattering classes in Kathmandu said this was to insulate the crown prince from his uncle.

The somewhat insecure "advisor to the King" became the King himself after the Palace massacre that wiped out the royal family. Days after he became King, Gyanendra ordered withdrawal of all the old currency notes "" that had Birendra's pictures "" and issued notes with his own pictures.

In Kathmandu, Nepalese are not allowed to speak against the King. But they do let their children play with currency notes. And should the King's picture be soiled or muddied, no one says anything to them "" this is not the real King, after all, only someone who happened to be in the right place at the right time.

Against this background, it is not hard to understand Gyanendra's compelling need to obtain credibility, not just as a reigning monarch but a ruling one as well. In India, the political establishment is unable to see the total picture.

The Indian Army is telling the prime minister "" and whoever else will listen to them "" that it is necessary to resume the supply of arms to Nepal to protect the special military relationship between India and Nepal. But the Gurkha Regiment alone does not represent all Nepal.

Multiparty democracy, however inefficient it might have been, has radicalised even small villages and this includes the families of the serving and former Gurkha soldiers on whose behalf the Indian Army is expressing such concern. The Royal Nepal Army (RNA) has virtually suspended operations against the Maoists and is hoping to push India into a corner by making demands for arms India will not be able to refuse.

The King's real aim is not to get the weapons (he can procure those from anyone) but to secure the legitimacy this will imply, at home and abroad. Let us be quite clear. Whatever he might say, the King is not for democracy. What is more, having become ruling monarch, he quite likes it.

The RCCC appears to be directed only against political leaders. In the 100 days that he has been in power, there is no attempt to modernise the police "" which should really be the force dealing with Maoists. There is no effort to introduce any structural or institutional changes "" land reform or more representative governance.

Signals from abroad do not add up to any significant endorsement of his new incarnation. Gyanendra's visit to the Boao Forum in Henan left China cold.

There was a time when the Indian government felt he might play the Beijing card, especially after his role in the construction of the East West Highway (1985), which was awarded to China rather than India. King Birendra was willing to review the contract but it was Gyanendra who was really hard to convince.

But now, after the visit to Henan, it would seem that the China card is no longer Gyanendra's to play "" a deafening silence followed his semi-official visit.

The new Pakistani ambassador in Kathmandu, Sohail Amin, when asked about possible Pakistani military supply to the RNA, said on May 4: "There is no such proposal on table." So no comfort for Gyanendra there either.

Last week, at the annaprashan ceremony of his grandson, to which all Kathmandu-based ambassadors were invited, Gyanendra made it a point to bestow special favours on the US ambassador in Kathmandu, James Moriarty, slinging his arm around Moriarty's shoulder and taking him away for a small pow-wow in the presence of other colleagues. It seemed, to the others present, to be the action of a desperate man.

A desperate Gyanendra is not good news for India. But His Majesty doesn't need to worry. Why not ask Queen Beatrix the secret of her popularity (which appears to be a deep abiding involvement in charity, art, culture and fashion and no interest in politics) and act on her advice, leaving politics to grubby little politicians?


Disclaimer: These are personal views of the writer. They do not necessarily reflect the opinion of www.business-standard.com or the Business Standard newspaper

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First Published: May 07 2005 | 12:00 AM IST

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