Until the massive rally in Ahmedabad on August 25 turned violent, not much was made of the Patidar (Patel) community's agitation for inclusion in the Other Backward Class (OBC) quota. The ensuing short spell of violence gave sleepless nights to the Gujarat government and saw the rise of 22-year-old Hardik Patel, convenor of Patidar Anamat Andolan Samiti, as the face of the agitation. Achyut Yagnik, an Ahmedabad-based social scientist and founder-secretary of the Centre for Social Knowledge and Action, decodes the situation in Gujarat. Yagnik tells Vinay Umarji that while the Patidars' demand is unfounded, the state government has a tough task on hand. Excerpts:
What is the Patidar agitation about?
Traditionally, Patidars have been a dominant community in Gujarat. They are very powerful and enjoy upper caste status. Now they are demanding that they be counted among the socially and educationally backward classes of Gujarat. On May 6, Hardik Patel organised a meeting of Patidar youth in Visnagar town of north Gujarat. He followed it up with the mobilisation of Patidar youth at rallies in several cities and towns of Saurashtra, south Gujarat and central Gujarat, all of which culminated with a massive rally in Ahmedabad on August 25.
What is the root cause of the issue?
The root cause of this issue is the belief of the Patel youth that they are deprived for more than one reason. First, they would like entry into professional courses such as medical and engineering. They feel that because of reservation they are not getting their due even after getting higher percentage of marks at the higher secondary level.
Second, Patel youth, who aspire for government jobs, feel that due to the contract system adopted by the government in departments such as education, forest, and police, along with reservation in the contractual positions too, they are not getting jobs. In the private sector also, job avenues have not expanded, which too, has contributed to their restlessness.
The third reason is the decline of small and medium enterprises in Gujarat, most of which are run by the Patels, who have invested their surplus income from agriculture in these.
Where do the Patidars stand in Gujarat society?
The Patidars are basically an agrarian community and till the 19th century were known as Kanbi. In the 20th century, they participated in a big way in the Satyagraha movement in places such as Kheda and Bardoli under the leadership of Sardar Patel and hence, became an important part of the Congress in Gujarat. After Independence, they continued their affiliation with the Congress. With two chief ministers from their community, Chimanbhai Patel (Congress) and Babubhai Patel (Janata Party), this suggests their dominant role in the Congress and later, the Janata Party in Gujarat. In 1980, Madhavsinh Solanki dislodged the Patidars from central positions in the Congress and with a caste formula known as KHAM [Kshatriya, Harijan, Adivasi (tribal) and Muslim] won the state elections. The dissatisfied Patels played a prominent role in the 1981 and 1985 anti-reservation agitation and challenged the Congress leadership.
Late 1980s onwards, they emerged as the backbone of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in Gujarat. This is evident from the fact that Narendra Modi as Gujarat's chief minister was preceded and succeeded by Keshubhai Patel and Anandiben Patel, both of whom belong to the Patidar community.
Are the Patidars indeed eligible for reservation? How plausible is their demand?
The Patidar community has played a prominent role in Gujarat politics as well as industry. Therefore their demand for inclusion in OBCs has no foundation. As the backward communities included in Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and OBC categories already enjoy 49 per cent of reservation in education and jobs, it is not possible to induct another community, legally or technically. In Gujarat OBCs enjoy 27 per cent reservation as recommended by the Mandal Commission. The Dalits enjoy seven per cent reservation, according to their share of seven per cent in the state's population. Tribals form 15 per cent of the state's population and hence enjoy 15 per cent share in the quota system. If we add these up, the percentage of reservation comes to 49 per cent. One per cent of seats is reserved for the disabled. Hence the total reservation adds up to 50 per cent. According to a Supreme Court ruling, more than 50 per cent reservation is not allowed in India.
How serious is this agitation vis-à-vis others, like the Gujjars in Rajasthan?
The agitation should not be compared to that of the Gujjars or the Jats in north India. As a community, the Patidars are much more advanced and modernised (than the others mentioned). Of the total number of Indian-origin people in the UK and US, Gujaratis account for roughly 30 per cent and among them, the Patels make up a significant number. There are several villages in central and south Gujarat where you'll find half the houses closed because their occupants, the Patidars, have migrated to and settled in the West. Of course these Patidars maintain close ties with their relatives in Gujarat.
Nevertheless, in terms of comparison of the agitations, we should remember that in Gujarat there is a huge inter-generational difference among the Patidars in terms of their aspirations. In the same family, the grandfather may not aspire for inclusion in the OBC category and would like to enjoy his upper caste status, while the grandson would want to distance himself from landholdings and seek modernisation in this globalised world. Gujjars have almost the same aspirations across generations.
What options does the government have to control the situation?
The Gujarat government is in a fix because the Patidar community is the backbone of the BJP and their agitation has challenged its very social base. The split within the leadership of the agitation suggests that the backbone of the BJP has been shaken, and along with it, the myth of a successful Gujarat Model of development.
The present government might extend some kind of educational support for the younger generation of Patidars, but it is almost impossible for it to meet their aspirations for more jobs and employment.
Your take on Hardik Patel.
Hardik Patel represents the aspirational youth of the Patidar community. What seems to have worked in his favour is his anti-BJP rhetoric: that has made him a controversial leader of the community.
