The resignation of Arvind Kejriwal, the leader of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), as Delhi's chief minister seems in retrospect unsurprising. Mr Kejriwal had been determined in his short stint of 49 days to push the boundaries and demonstrate that the AAP, even as the party in power, would not conduct business as usual. Given that, his refusal to tolerate any delays in the introduction of his version of the Lok Pal Bill in Delhi is in keeping with the rest of his brief tenure. Whatever the specific constraints on the introduction of the Bill that are imposed by the Constitution, the point remains that the major opposition party in Delhi, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and the Congress party, which was supporting the AAP government from outside, were supposedly in favour of it. So placing procedural barriers in the way of the Bill's introduction will only strengthen Mr Kejriwal's argument that the older parties pay only lip service to the cause of fighting corruption.
In its time in power, the AAP government did many things the wrong way. It announced an amnesty for those who had participated in its campaign to not pay electricity bills, for example, and also declared that a large amount of free water would be provided to households daily. Party members short-circuited processes at government hospitals. Its law minister led a vigilante raid on African expatriates in his constituency; instead of disciplining him, Mr Kejriwal brought central Delhi to its knees by launching a public protest demanding control of the Delhi Police. But the fact is that, politically, the government did exactly what it wanted to do. It chose its targets and went after them. It attacked the actions of the previous Sheila Dikshit-led Congress government. It also made sure that it demonstrated its commitment to cheaper utilities for the middle class; to quicker and easier availability of healthcare to the poor; and to attacking the structures of crony capitalism. The first information report lodged on the subject of gas prices last week has been justly criticised as taking advantage of a loophole in the law, and as a dangerous precedent. But, in doing so, Mr Kejriwal can say that he has taken on Reliance Industries, something both the Congress and the BJP are notably reluctant to do. And, as this newspaper has argued, the Rangarajan formula for gas prices has little or no basis in precedent, economic theory or common sense.
Mr Kejriwal can feel confident about now, going to the electorate and demanding that this time they return him to power with a majority, and the sort of mandate that will allow him to dictate terms to the central government that continues to control large parts of Delhi's governance. Of course, it is unclear whether the lieutenant-governor of Delhi will act upon the AAP Cabinet's advice and dissolve the Assembly; he has put it in suspended animation and has recommended President's rule in Delhi. Whether or not this is legally tenable, it is certainly against the spirit of parliamentary democracy; a duly chosen Cabinet, which has shown its majority in the Assembly, wishes fresh elections. That wish should be granted.
