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Caught at the crossroads

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Aditi Phadnis New Delhi

Ramvilas Paswan
He may be Union minister for steel, but these days, his mind is only on Bihar politics where he is between a rock and a hard place.

People are calling him all kinds of names, the chief among them being "opportunist" because MLAs believe that the only thing standing between them and a ministership is Ramvilas Paswan and his insistence that President's Rule in Bihar should continue.

But it is hard not to like Paswan because he reveals his vulnerability the moment he begins talking. This was the case that warm afternoon we met to have lunch at the House of Ming in Delhi's Taj Mansingh.

Paswan chose the restaurant and we quickly discovered why. The chef at the House of Ming was a Bihari!

The lunch was not just to sample Bihari Chinese but also to get some feedback on how he was seen by civil society and what he should do next in the complicated calculus of government-formation in Bihar.

Paswan ordered lemon coriander soup, pepper and salt prawns and vegetable crispies as starter. The staff at the restaurant seemed to know what he liked because plate upon plate of starters began arriving even before the soup. Knowing Paswan's worries, I asked him: "What's your plan in Bihar?"

"During the election campaign, I made three commitments which I need to honour," he said. Removing Lalu Prasad and Rabri Devi from power was one. Not having any truck with political formation having the backing of either the BJP or the RJD was the second.

Installing a Muslim chief minister was the third. "I am constantly working towards those commitments," he said dismissing speculation that he was playing spoil-sport in formation of the government.

"This is all sponsored by Nitish Kumar who is the most devious and ambitious politician in Bihar and keen only on occupying the chief minister's chair," he said.

"But didn't he try to win you over before the elections?" I asked. "Yes, but the game was up when it became known that he [Nitish Kumar] had made that move with the blessings of BJP president L K Advani," he said vehemently.

The soup and huge prawns arrived. Paswan opened up. "I was the first person to have pointed out that Bihar will be headed for President's Rule," he said as he ate his soup. I nodded. This was true.

He claimed that he had a political sense about the configuration of political events that rarely went wrong. That may be so, I said rather tartly, but what future would he have if he lost the support of the Congress "" and this appeared inevitable?

Paswan looked hurt and took pains to clarify. "The impression that the Congress is trying to desert me is not correct," he said injecting sincerity into his voice. "I have been talking to Sonia Gandhi and Manmohan Singh and other Congress leaders and I've got their full backing," he said.

"But when it comes to a crunch, won't Sonia Gandhi and Manmohan Singh find it easier to choose Lalu Prasad with 24 MPs over Paswan with four MPs ?" I persisted.

Paswan agreed that given Lalu's strength in the Lok Sabha, the choice could be difficult. "But if the Congress has to revive itself in Bihar, it has no choice but to dump Lalu Prasad in Bihar," he argued.

We had finished our soup and noodles, rice, Chinese greens and fish were ladled onto our plates. I asked him how much good, his part in helping continue President's Rule in Bihar would do to his future political career. Surely, President's Rule and the effect it's having in Bihar would be credited to the Congress and not Paswan's account?

It was as if I had addressed Paswan's worst fears. "This is what worries me most," he said, adding that if President's Rule was used to ensure restoration of people's confidence in rule of law, he would consider it his victory.

"But to expect Buta Singh to provide good governance in Bihar?" I asked sceptically. Paswan defended the governor. "Bihar has changed after President's Rule. No longer are people frightened of going out at night," he said.

He confided that what worried him was that the governor's hands might be tied in effecting the transfer of top bureaucrats still loyal to Lalu.

Paswan said this was not the only thing that was worrying him. If the Congress and Lalu decided to try and form a government "" a minority government, to begin with "" what would he do?

The inference was obvious. If Lalu was permitted to try forming a government, his MLAs might be strongly tempted to desert him. He denied this vehemently.

"I am like the elder in the family of MLAs." He said, "When I go to Patna, I have lunch at one MLA's home and dinner at another," he said, his air calculated to convey the impression of his party being one big happy contented family. I knew this to be far from the case, but in the interest of good manners, did not question him further.

But Paswan conceded he had a lot riding on the quality and longevity of President's Rule. "I know that if President's Rule fails to deliver the goods, there will be an attempt to isolate me politically," he admitted.

What if he joined hands with the NDA and formed a government? Paswan mulled this for a moment and said that such a move would alienate the Muslims from him and jeopardise future politics for him. I asked him why he thought the Muslims would drift away from him when they had stuck with Mayawati, a rival dalit leader.

"In UP, Mayawati never bothered about Muslim votes and used the BJP to consolidate her support base. Why can't you repeat that in Bihar?" I asked.

"Mayawati did it and successfully. But her image is different," he said. "My problem is that the moment I am seen with Nitish Kumar, the Left parties start crying hoarse and doubt my secular credentials. And I cannot compromise on my secular image. This will only strengthen Lalu and prompt the minorities to gravitate towards him," he said.

In Paswan's calculation, his dalit base combined with that of the Muslims would make a formidable combination in Bihar.

He explained that although he had walked out from the NDA on the issue of the Gujarat riots, it was not that but the destruction of the Babri Masjid that had had the most profound influence on the Muslim psyche.

He explained that while he was the telecom minister in the NDA government, he had taken care to lay a network of telephone lines in what was even the poorest of the poor Muslim areas.

The Muslims, he said were appreciative of this "" they might have no education, no food but they could talk on the phone. But even the best disposed towards him even today says he shouldn't have gone to the BJP.

So what about a government in Bihar, I said trying to bring the conversation back to the central issue. "Well, when I was railway minister, I said: 'where there is a will there is the Railway. Where there is no will, there is a survey'.

I would still say that to all the actors in Bihar. I am not opposed to a popular government. But do they have the will to form an anti-Lalu, pro Muslim government in Bihar? If so, let them prove it, otherwise, they will all be charged with collaborating with Lalu and attempting to run Bihar down to the ground again," he said.

Fresh mangoes with ice-cream was served for dessert. By now Paswan seemed to accept the fact that he was at a political crossroads.

"Frankly, I was not as mentally fatigued at the height of the campaign as I am now after the results have come," he said.

As we wound up lunch, he said he was going to see Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to get him to promulgate an ordinance by which all MLAs in Bihar could get their salary and perks although the Assembly had not been constituted. I left him to do his karma as the karta of the Paswan Undivided Family and wished him luck.


Disclaimer: These are personal views of the writer. They do not necessarily reflect the opinion of www.business-standard.com or the Business Standard newspaper

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First Published: Apr 19 2005 | 12:00 AM IST

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