The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, or ISIS, recently added the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) to the ranks of its vassals. The Sunni radicalisation it represents has, thus, arrived on India's doorstep, even as the United States and Arab nations wage war on it. This has serious consequences for India that go beyond its reliance on crude oil and gas from West Asia. The ISIS and its sundry affiliates and partners have begun targeting India in their plans. Recruitment advertisements subtitled in Indian languages have started appearing on social media. Although the bulk of ISIS fighters is drawn from West Asia, North Africa, Europe and even China, there are small but disturbing signs of growing participation by Indian youth in ISIS ranks. According to a National Investigative Agency dossier, more than 300 youths have been recruited by the ISIS and the TTP.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi may confidently assure the American establishment via an interview to CNN's Fareed Zakaria that "Indian Muslims will live for India. They will die for India. They will not want anything bad for India". Even if Indian Muslims were to take this ambiguous approval at face value, Mr Modi's lieutenants on the ground and their associated politicians have consistently sent out a very different message to ordinary Indians. The 2013 riots in western Uttar Pradesh in the run-up to the Lok Sabha elections, when the Bharatiya Janata Party's comeback was imminent, raised the spectre of communal polarisation after more than a decade. The various election-time exhortations for Muslims to go to Pakistan, to non-Muslims not to sell assets to Muslims, the absurd "love jihad" campaign in Uttar Pradesh will be fresh in national memory - more so because the country's chief executive has not sought to publicly and unambiguously repudiate these statements and actions in any forum. It is vital for Mr Modi to do something to reassure ordinary Muslims, who remain vulnerable to petty thuggery from local goons and their political patrons, that they can count on the state for their safety and security.
In Muzaffarnagar, as extensive reporting in this and other newspapers have revealed, small and medium Muslim businessmen have felt intimidated enough to close their businesses. This is hardly a healthy development - and quite contrary to the prime minister's self-advertised business and industry orientation. As is now well established, radicalisation of youth occurs when they feel excluded from the opportunities and rewards of governance systems - the formation of Sunni-dominated ISIS against Shia-run governments is a grim reminder of this truth. In displaying its communal colours, the ruling regime is playing into the hands of India's fundamentalist Muslim leaders, who have done the cause of Indian Muslims such a disservice over the decade, and bizarre groupings such as the ISIS. So the spectre of overt communalism haunts India again with all its attendant law and order problems. This is hardly likely to encourage corporate investment, especially from the multinationals that Mr Modi hopes to attract.
