On Wednesday, Home Minister Rajnath Singh received the members of an all-party delegation sent to Jammu and Kashmir, a state that has been wracked by violence for weeks following the killing of Hizbul Mujahideen commander Burhan Wani. The appointment of the all-party mission came a little later than it should have, given how long ago the protests in the state started, but, nevertheless, it is a welcome move. The recommendations of the all-party mission were both unsurprising and reasonable: That the government should work to ensure that symbols of normalcy return to the Valley, for one, by getting schools and colleges to reopen. It was also pointed out that hospitals must be kept open and their work be supported by the administration. The delegation reiterated that the government must keep channels of communication open with “all stakeholders” in Kashmir.
So how to move forward? The government needs to be patient at two levels. First, at the international level, it must not be provoked by statements from Pakistan. Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif is facing considerable political pressure within Pakistan for being “soft on India”, especially from those sympathetic to the army. Thus, occasional bellicose statements will likely be issued from Islamabad, at least till the United Nations General Assembly at the end of this month. New Delhi must act maturely in response, and ignore what needs to be ignored.
Second, New Delhi must also work towards reconciliation in the Kashmir valley. The government must actively work towards creating the enabling conditions in which talks can prosper. Surely, it is now clear that repairing the image of the army and the paramilitary force has to be the first priority. The army’s primary duty – securing the border and the Line of Control – requires it to have the support or, at least, the willing compliance of the locals. Yet, it is increasingly evident that this will not be on offer. The level of trust in the army’s system of internal accountability is low. In the context of Manipur, the Supreme Court has declared that the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, or AFSPA, if kept in force for too long, undermines confidence in democracy and accountability. To a large extent, that is what is at work in Kashmir. Mature, large-hearted and out-of-the-box ideas are needed to promote reconciliation in the state and these should focus on ensuring that India’s army and paramilitaries do not come across in Kashmir as an occupation force.
Lastly, there can be one justified exception to the all-party delegation's recommendation of engaging all stakeholders: The All Party Hurriyat Conference. It has been widely reported that Hurriyat leaders refused to meet the parliamentarians during their visit. This places the Hurriyat’s role under a cloud, especially as its leaders are always willing to meet anyone from Pakistan. If they are trying to do Pakistan's bidding, and are not independent players acting as representatives of the people of the state, then the government should move ahead without them. It may not be easy, but there is no alternative and makes it all the more important for the Indian state to win the confidence of the ordinary Kashmiri.
