The Trinamool Congress’s sweep to power in West Bengal in 2011 was accompanied with both the vast weight of expectations and a certain cynicism. The expectations because, after the more than three decade-long rule of the Left Front, under which West Bengal and its capital of Kolkata had seemed to stagnate, many were ready for the inchoate change that Mamata Banerjee promised. And cynicism, because Ms Banerjee’s long career in the trenches against a Left Front that specialised in crushing opposition had given rise to fears that she, as chief minister, might struggle to behave like the leader of the government and not the leader of the opposition. And, certainly, in her first years, the latter view seemed to be borne out. The expanding scandal around the Saradha group has also tainted the view of her government, and the last has not been heard of that issue. But, as she enters the final year of her term, the sweeping victory given to her party in the state’s civic polls suggests that her government has been far from a failure in the eyes of voters. The Trinamool won 71 of the 92 civic bodies up for election, the Left five and the Congress four. The Bharatiya Janata Party failed to win any, even as there was no clear winner in 12 civic bodies. And in the elections for the big one, the Kolkata Municipal Corporation or KMC, the Trinamool Congress won 114 of 144 seats, up from 95 in 2010. Many of the margins were crushing – the party won 50 per cent of the vote in the metro, and 42 per cent overall.
Clearly, Ms Banerjee has managed to retain considerable popularity in urban West Bengal. And, indeed, the record of her government has some clues as to why. It seems to have worked hard to fix the state’s finances. In spite of her populist positions historically, Ms Banerjee has not hesitated to raise user fees for utilities. The state government has adopted technology to improve tax collections, as a result of which it has seen a consistent rise in its tax revenues. She opposed disinvestment in Delhi – but has just sold five state-owned tea gardens to private players. She was a master agitator – but, as chief minister, has even declared that there is no space in West Bengal for strikes or bandhs: “We are against bandh and strike. Administration will take strong action against those who will go for bandh. We won't let them stop the growth of Bengal.” The state’s higher-than-national-average output growth in past years might also be due to the revival of the construction sector — energised most recently by the Assembly’s relaxation of the land ceiling law, allowing real estate projects to build beyond the 24-acre legal limit. State Finance Minister Amit Mitra points to one such, an investment of Rs 6,500 crore by the Ajay Piramal-controlled Bengal Shriram Hitech City, which had been on pause since 2006. The 314-acre project in Uttarpara might, Mr Mitra insists, transform Hooghly district.
But Ms Banerjee has had more invisible successes too. One such, as this newspaper recently reported, has been the turnaround of the Naxalite-hit area of Jangalmahal in South Midnapore District. The town of Lalgarh, about 170 km from Kolkata, became national news under the Left Front administration when the then chief minister's motorcade was attacked there. Since Ms Banerjee took over, she is reputed to have made dozens of trips to the region. Connectivity is improving, reducing the isolation of the towns and villages. While the area is no exception to the unfortunate rules of West Bengal politics – all patronage flows through the ruling party – there appears to be little doubt that its days of violent insurgency are in the past. Mr Banerjee deserves credit, and her methods should be studied by the leaders of other Naxal-affected states. It may have taken time, but it looks like the West Bengal government is getting into its stride. Certainly, the state’s voters have suggested so.
