<b> Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay</b>: RSS-Modi in sync on demonetisation

Based on RSS feedback, Modi told partymen that traders were not being targeted

One of the most notable differences between the Narendra Modi regime and the Atal Bihari Vajpayee-led government, both headed by the Bharatiya Janata Party, is the nature of relationship between the government and Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) at one level, and between the political executive and party functionaries at the other. During the Vajpayee era, party officials felt left out, yet, could do little but indulge in gossip with one another and the media. However, the RSS worked at cross-purposes and periodically acted as the real opposition as its affiliates ranging from Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh (BMS), Bharatiya Kisan Sangh (BKS) and most importantly Swadeshi Jagran Manch (SJM), agitated against government policies. Even RSS sarsanghchalak,
 

 
K S Sudarshan made offensive statements against the prime minister and his government. The reason for the absence of animosity between government and RSS this time is partially due to past time-sharing between Modi and Mohan Bhagwat. Born within days of each other in September 1950, the two, share a relationship that dates back to the early 1970s, when they were young pracharaks.
 
The RSS stance on demonetisation is in sync with the government because of this understanding. Despite the fact that demonetisation hurt the traditional core middle-class and trader support-base of the RSS, it did not criticise the step. This stemmed from the fact that the announcement did not catch the RSS brass by surprise. While arguing it would yield significant dividends in the fight against black money and corruption, RSS affiliates were muted in their comments and only pressed for the government to manage cash flow better, minimise job losses and initiate policies targeted to assist the poor. The RSS has displayed an uncanny sense of what is being planned next. That is, it was aware Modi would gun next for benami property – much before his declarations at Goa on return from Japan.

 
Frequent alteration of decisions, modifications of timeline and limits for withdrawals and deposits significant departures from Modi’s past style. Modi himself has showcased his ‘flexibility’ as proof of intention to minimise inconvenience caused to people, especially the poor and middle classes. In fact, in the days immediately after demonetisation, there was talk that Bhagwat had indicated to aides that the Sangh should focus more on rural areas and among lower economic classes, outside the ambit of the RSS till date. Based on its feedback, Modi attempted to minimise damage. It needs to be recalled that Modi’s address to his party lawmakers on December 16 emphasised that demonetisation was not targeted against traders and small businesses that hitherto under-reported their income when filing IT returns. He added his government would provide opportunities to enable them to “join the mainstream.”

 
Whenever justifying his decision, Modi wore the cloak of high morality and contended his decision was not motivated by personal considerations, and that the decision was driven by nationalistic considerations. The RSS always has a great preference for such tactics. The RSS has greater stakes in this regime than ever before and there is clarity in the brass that Modi remains the best bet. It is true that there are divergent voices, too, within the RSS but at the moment, the section led by Bhagwat is dominant. Consequently, there appears little threat to the synergy between the two.