From the point of view of atmospherics, Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to Nepal must be counted as a major success. This is the first official bilateral visit by an Indian prime minister to Nepal in 17 years - a period that has been tumultuous for that country. It has struggled with a royal massacre, a de facto coup and an insurgency. But, in recent years, it has achieved a measure of stability. It has still not managed to write itself a constitution, but there is every expectation that all parties are committed to a peaceful republican future. Mr Modi's address to the Nepalese Constituent Assembly contained an unequivocal statement of support for the "federal democratic republic of Nepal", a blow to those who hoped that Indian support would help give the former king and his monarchist followers a leg-up in domestic politics. Mr Modi did drop the "secular" from that list of republican attributes, reflecting the fraught nature of political attitudes to that word not just in newly secular Nepal but in historically secular India, too. Still, his moving words of praise for the constitutional project - a constitution was more than a book, he said, it was where future, past and present met - and his reassurance about non-interference in Nepalese politics have definitely helped repair an always delicate bilateral relationship.
This is important because, on the substantive level, the visit was not marked with equivalent success. Most importantly, Nepal and India have failed to come to an agreement on power trading. Mr Modi did indicate how Nepal could use the revenue from hydro-electric power for its own development. But neither the power-trading agreement nor a long-suggested oil pipeline was definitively agreed upon, although there were expectations that formal agreements would be ready in time for the trip, and signed by the two prime ministers. Nepalese domestic politics is as complicated as that of any other South Asian country, and there are many domestic barriers to signing these agreements. India's position should be that it is willing to promise a steady tariff, and a transparent agreement. Anything more - or anything else - could lead to suspicion and vitiate the newly productive atmosphere.
The prime minister also announced India's willingness to review the decades-old "friendship treaty" that governs Indo-Nepalese relations. He went so far as to say that he would like it reviewed and renewed while he was in office. This is an oft-repeated demand from Nepal; India has generally agreed to a review, but never at so high a level. A secretary-level round of talks has taken place, even, more than a decade ago. But nothing came of it. While Nepal claims the original treaty was biased in favour of the larger country, India, it is also the case that several pro-India or reciprocal provisions have been diluted over time. Naturally, a review of the treaty will have to examine these provisions, too - something the Nepalese side may not be prepared for. Mr Modi's statement of intent, however, places the onus on the Nepalese for the first time. Overall, the positive reaction in Nepal to Mr Modi's visit must be taken advantage of by the external affairs ministry. It must swiftly move to close outstanding negotiations, and to begin discussions on reviewing the friendship treaty. The prime minster has opened a door; the diplomats must walk through it.
