The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), in power at the Centre, is also in power now in Jammu and Kashmir following the formation of a coalition government with the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). The chief minister of the state, nominated by the coalition, is the PDP's leader Mufti Mohammad Sayeed - and he has set off a minor storm early on in his tenure by apparently thanking everyone - including separatists and Pakistan - for permitting the safe and free conduct of elections by "making the atmosphere conducive". Mr Sayeed is entitled to his views, however misguided. But what is worth noting is that although the BJP has distanced itself from these views, they do not appear to be surprised or disappointed. But the PDP leader has also said to The Times of India that "azadi", or freedom - the cry that has sent so many young people in the Kashmir valley to the streets - actually means road connectivity to Pakistan-occupied Kashmir and old trade routes like those to Kashgar. Perhaps all political parties, when they have a sniff of power, move to centrist positions. After all, the BJP has agreed to hold back on one of its core positions, the abrogation of Article 370 of the Indian constitution that grants special status to Kashmir, in order to get a share in power in the state. Acceptance of Article 370 is, of course, no big deal to many other Indian parties. The question, therefore, that arises is whether the BJP is becoming just a regular party. Is it being "mainstreamed" by power, buying into the post-Nehruvian consensus it has always disdained? And, if so, is this happening because of political expedience or ideological shifts?
The BJP won 282 seats in the Lok Sabha, a majority. This was possible because it swept Uttar Pradesh (UP)'s 80 seats, winning 71 of them in addition to the two seats won by its coalition partner, the Apna Dal. Yet the most emotive of issues in UP, the question of building a Ram temple in Ayodhya, is firmly on the back-burner. Remember, the argument during the last National Democratic Alliance government was that the BJP then was not in the majority, and, therefore, had to hold back on its core agenda. Yet today, the BJP - whatever the regressive statements of many of its leaders, some of which come close to hate speech - has not made formal moves to take the temple issue forward. The same is true of the common civil code, another article of faith with the party. This point seemed to be underlined when Prime Minister Narendra Modi spoke in Parliament recently, on the motion related to the president's address. The prime minister did well to declare that his government had no religion except the country and that its only holy book was the Constitution.
This process has happened since independence. The mainstreaming of parties with extreme views happened also with the Dravida Munnettra Kazhagam (once a separatist force) and the Left parties - elements among which at independence in effect declared war on the new state and even had a rebel stronghold in parts of Andhra Pradesh for years. The prime minister's comments in Parliament, to the extent that they reflect this tendency, are to be welcomed. Hopefully, they reflect a genuine ideological shift towards the mainstream in the BJP, and are not simply window-dressing to satisfy metropolitan audiences.
