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Has the 2014 election campaign been reduced to a facile mudslinging contest by our leaders? It seems that the canvassing by all political parties this time are likely to be smear campaigns. With hitting below the belt and making personal attacks becoming more common among the leaders, political observers feel that the real key issues are forgotten by the two national parties.
Since 2007, Congress chief Sonia Gandhi has been cautious in speaking against Narendra Modi after the bitter experience she had with the maut ka saudagar (merchant of death) barb during the Assembly polls in Gujarat. The Chief Minister successfully sold it to the voters as an insult to Gujarat’s pride and reaped poll dividends. The Congress spin doctors wonder if ignoring Modi or confronting his political record will be a better strategy than taking jibes at him, the Hindutva icon is bound to exploit this opportunity to the hilt.
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) prime ministerial candidate Modi has built up a personality cult to such an extent that the parties are revolving around whatever provocative statement he makes on a daily basis. He has turned a political battle into a Modi-centric fight. Political pundits are of the view that the sharp personal attacks against him could improve his position as it would ignite passions at a time when people are believed to be disenchanted with the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government.
At a rally in Chhattisgarh, Modi, who chooses to address Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi as 'Shehzada' (prince) instead of referring to him by name, said: 'Agar Madam bimaar hai toh Shehzade kamaan sambhale (If Madam is unwell, let Shehzade work)'. In an another remark Modi made at the same rally, asking Rahul Gandhi if the money sent to states by the Centre came from his “mama’s house” (maternal uncle’s house). Modi had used words like 'khooni panja' (bloody hand) in an allusion to the Congress’s party symbol. “Atal Bihari Vajpayeeji ne Chhattisgarh banaya to sabse pahle Chhattisgarh kiske haath gaya tha? Kya aisa khooni panja phir se chahiye aapko? (Whom did Chhattisgarh go to when Atal Bihari Vajpayee carved out the state? Do you want the same bloody hand?)".
There is one school of thought that argues that the more Modi speaks, the more controversy he will create, with the result the serious issues like the price rise, unemployment, terrorism and economy will not get debated.
Political observers say Modi is taking a calculated gamble by moving towards a divisive politics and it might boomerang as he might win some verbal battles but lose the ultimate war.
The BJP’s PM-in waiting has managed to turn the next Lok Sabha polls virtually into a referendum on himself. As of now the Congress leadership cannot skip a personality-based campaign targeting its chief rival in the run-up to the Lok Sabha elections.
At this juncture, it appears to be a debatable point whether Modi has fallen into the Congress trap or the Congress has fallen into that of Modi’s.
Analysts feel that Modi’s desperation to divert voters’ attention from key issues was distinctly visible now and that his intensified personal attacks on Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi and Manmohan Singh reflected his growing worries. The Grand Old Party should address the core issue of Modi’s campaign — his personalised propaganda — without turning the battle into a personality clash. In 2004, the Congress had pricked the BJP’s India Shining balloon with a probing ‘Aam aadmi ko kya mila (what has the common man got)’. Senior Congress leaders have decided to challenge Modi’s rhetoric as they are aware that the Gujarat strongman’s polarising personality and divisive record could be his biggest asset in the battle for Delhi.
Rural Development Minister Jairam Ramesh triggered a controversy with his remarks that Modi wants 'politics of the gutter'. Earlier, Ramesh said the 2014 election seemed to be between Congress and the RSS, a view echoed by Finance Minister P Chidambaram as well. In June this year, Ramesh acknowledged that Modi posed a serious challenge.
Samajwadi Party leader Naresh Agarwal started a needless controversy which might cost his party its pro-poor and pro-backward caste image. “Narendra Modi wants to become a PM. Someone rising from a tea shop can never have a national perspective. Like, if you make a 'sipahi' (constable) as 'kaptan' (Superintendent of Police) he can never have SP's approach but will have that of a constable," the SP leader had said adding: “As far as the crowd is concerned, a ‘madari' (street performer) also gathers it”. Agarwal started off as a Congress leader, but when the party’s fortunes continued to dip in Uttar Pradesh, he floated a regional outfit. Subsequently, he had brief spells at the BJP, SP and BSP.
Modi’s strategists are keen to sell him in the Hindi heartland as a backward leader who began as a tea-boy. They think Modi would defy traditional voting patterns and cut across rigid caste and sectarian lines.
For his admirers, Modi's elevation represents the victory of merit and hard work. To his equally numerous critics, the Hindutva mascot stands for naked ambition and antipathy toward Muslims.
