 "Voters looking at a placard displaying election symbols of various political parties at a polling station in Varanasi, UP. File photo: Reuters")
The massive saand (bull) of Banaras (also known as Varanasi) is, by and large, a placid animal. However, if roused, it can run at full tilt, half-crazed, and has been known to gore and trample people to death. It likes to saunter through the narrow alleys of the old city and can cause a pedestrian traffic jam because of the healthy respect it elicits on account of its size.
The bull can still be spotted. Steaming mounds of turd on the streets and the propensity of people to direct red streams of paan juice in the nearest corner is quintessential Banaras. Banaras can be swachh, it can be modernised, but paan and the bull continue to rule.
This city elected Narendra Modi as its MP, helping to make him Prime Minister of India. Loyalty to Modi remains but faith in governance seems to be faltering. Amid the statements hailing Modi as agent of change, there is an undercurrent of despair.
The city is an important pitstop on the route to making headlines. Central ministers and agencies are queuing to give a “facelift to the heritage town” of India. This spills over to the neighbouring areas of Ghazipur, Rohania, etc. There is a visible conflict, as the Samajwadi Party (SP)-ruled state government has its own projects and schemes in politically significant and diverse Purvanchal.
Posh areas such as Kabirnagar and Bhelupur have witnessed visible change. Power cables have gone underground, streets are clean and walls are painted with beautiful scriptures featuring Lord Shiva (Vishvanath or Bhole Baba in these parts, is the singular deity). “We are making this city look like an urban heritage town. Every street and lane should tell the tale of Kashi and the reforms which have been taken up,” said a senior executive with a central government department in Varanasi.
The development and modernisation of Varanasi might be on apace but like elsewhere in India, one hand of the government frequently doesn’t know what the other is doing, leading to turmoil and double payment for the same job. Roads lie dug – the guy laying underground electricity cables finished his job and left but it had to be re-dug because the gas pipeline had to be laid.
“All those working here are only trying to earn brownie points. At an engineering level, the work is good but it is all going on in silos. While the central government might blame the state for lack of coordination, they (latter) are the ones actually pro-active. There is lack of coordination between the central departments as well,” said a senior official with one of the state departments.
Voices
Yogeshwar Ram Mishra, the new District Magistrate, is confident a turnaround of Varanasi will happen in 18 months. In office for a little over a month, Mishra does not say much, believing work should speak louder. “Change will happen in this city, definitely will. Come, visit again in a year, you will see,” he said. He refused to comment either on the state or central government functioning.
An SP supporter says: “Jo log Kashi ko jaante hain, uski aatma ko samajhte hain, wahi badlaav laa sakte hain (Only those who know Kashi, its soul, are the ones who will bring change in this city).” Local party workers believe the state government has been proactive and inclusive to all the schemes and plans of the Centre. “(Modi’s) BJP is losing ground here, however loudly they claim that they are leading. The city, the whole area stands still. Painting karne se kya hoga? Structure flawed hai. Shivala jaiye, Kazzakpura jaiye, dekhiye haalat. Kuch nahi kiya hum logon ke liye (What change can you bring by painting over? The basic structure is flawed. Go to Kazzakpura and Shivala, see the conditions in which we live. No work has been done for us),” said a silk trader. Shivala is where the Muslim weavers are and Kazzakpura is a Muslim populated area. The silk trader is Muslim.
“Darr toh aa he jaata hai BJP ke aane se. Par ye dhandha rok denge, ye nahi socha thha (Fear obviously sets in when BJP comes to power. But, we never thought they would put an end to our business),” says Abdul, one of the handloom owners in Shivala. Demonetisation has hit them badly. Orders stand cancelled; there is no cash to pay the workers. The Muslim populace is confident that this is the last nail for BJP in the region.
“Demonetisation has paralysed the ones who were doing cash politics in this state. This is their nervousness talking. People know the crackdown on black money is a master stroke by Modiji and it will show results in February (when state polls are due),” said a key BJP party member in the city. He concedes teething troubles but dismisses these as implementation issues, which would be resolved in time. “It is the wedding season, after all. Everyone has to pay to someone. We are in the cadre and so we help each other with cash but how to make payments? See this tent guy, he will only take cash. He doesn’t even have a bank account,” says an RSS worker in Ghazipur.
Issues
The real tale of Kashi is in its crammed lanes. This is where the beauty of Kashi lies — it houses weavers, traders, pundits, butchers, opium sellers, UPSC aspirants, voters.... Kashi is representative of Purvanchal or eastern Uttar Pradesh, which branches out and converges back on the ghats of Banaras. A mix of Brahmins, Muslim labour (mostly involved in handicrafts) and businessmen from across castes – Bhoomihar, Gupta, Kushwaha, OBCs, with an emerging Patel community — inhabit the narrow lanes.
The cash economy in the small towns is suffering, as most of the traders or the people they deal with, don’t have bank accounts. “More than that, cash in hand is the moving cash, a legitimate guarantee for traders, hoarders and wholesale businessman. It is not black money. It is how we keep our small business oiled and moving. Is sarkar ko kaun samjhaaye (Who’ll make this government understand)?” says a wholesale silk saree trader, standing in the middle of a room where a cancelled order of 25,000 items is stacked against the walls. He refused to share his name, lest his caste overshadows his views.
A senior BJP worker, requesting strict anonymity, said: “A strict step has been taken by the PM. Delhi wale mantri aur Mumbai wale santri situation control nahi kar paaye. (People with no idea of the ground reality are handling the situation).” He requested that not even the city he belongs to be mentioned.
Poorvanchal
Poorvanchal – the belt of eastern UP that spills on to Bihar – comprises, among others, the districts of Ghazipur, Mirzapur, Ballia, Basti and Gorakhpur. It contributes 117 seats out of 403 in the state Assembly and therefore wields clout. In 2012, the BJP’s performance was the poorest in this region, getting only 12 of the 112 seats. Four MPs from Poorvanchal have been given a place in the Union Cabinet — Anupriya Patel from Mirzapur, Mahendranath from Chandauli, Manoj Sinha from Ghazipur and Kalraj Mishra from Deoria.
Those working in Purvanchal on behalf of the BJP contend they have the first claim on the nominations, come February. “We are working for the party from 2012. We devised the campaign strategy, at times initiated social media campaigns in certain areas, hired and trained ground staff. We obviously expect to be repaid,” a BJP worker says.
But, there’s a rub. “BJP is on an expanding spree in Purvanchal. From Muslims to Dalits, Kushwahas – everyone is being invited to the party. When the time comes to give tickets, whom will the Party high command choose — campaign managers since 2014 or the person representing the biggest caste in that area?” he also asks.
BJP leaders in Purvanchal are mostly Brahmins or the business communities. Choosing a Muslim or Dalit and ignoring their party workers would have significant ramifications. Political analysts warn about the coming internal strife.
“One reason why the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) is so quiet is this. They are waiting for the time when the BJP deceives its own workers and they can capitalise on it,” said a senior observer. The BJP gives demonetisation as reason for the BSP’s silence. “Those who gave cash to the party for a ticket were asked to go back and get it exchanged. I don’t think they will come back,” said an RSS-affiliated worker.
The BSP has to note the mood of its set voter base – Muslims and Dalits, of which the latter is quiet and the Muslims are divided. “Ekjudta nahi hai abhi Muslims mein (unity among Muslims is missing).” Maybe if the SP and Congress come together, then the Muslim voter knows which side to head, en masse, said a former Muslim BSP member, no longer politically active. Quami Ekta Dal (QED), floated by Afzal Ansari, has joined hands with the SP and this might give the latter some edge. “But, the QED is restricted to Ghazipur, Mau and Azamgarh. It is a positive addition but not a strong one,” says a former BSP member.
There has always been a diversity of political opinion in this region. Modi has already addressed seven public meetings in the area. With elections approaching, Purvanchal is a hotspot of political activity.
