In the past week, Beijing has witnessed an intriguing example of factional rivals using the western press to amplify contrasting views.
In an interview with the German financial daily, Handelsblatt, Qiao Shi, 71, number three in China's hierarchy and leading reformist, warned of risks to reform from conservative opponents.
He also made clear his unhappiness with proposals to restructure the top leadership of the Communist party, including revival of the Mao-era post of chairman.
On the other hand, President Jiang Zemin, 70, sometimes referred to as leader of the wind faction, a comment on his shifting views, told the French daily, Figaro, China's economic economic, social and political reforms were proceeding smoothly.
China, said Jiang, who is also party general secretary, had paid great attention to correctly handling relationships among reform, development and stability to harmonise and mutually promote the three.
Qiao's reformist faction suspects Jiang's mainstream group is more interested in preserving power than in genuine change, hence his observation in Handelsblatt that the greatest threat to reform came from deeply rooted conservative forces.
Financial Times
Qiao, who is president of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress, the parliament, also took aim at proposed reforms to the party structure, saying: We must institutionalise our democracy and anchor it in law. We must make sure that the system and laws will not change because of a leadership change or because of changing opinions and changing interests of leading personalities.
This latter represented pointed criticism of proposals which would revive the party chairman's position, which died in the early 1980s, with the aim of further strengthening Jiang's grip on power.
Perhaps the sharpest edge to his observation lay in his reference to changing interests of leading personalities'.
This was a thinly veiled criticism of a proposal that Li Peng, the outgoing premier, become one of two vice chairman to a newly created chairman's position.
In his criticism of such jobs for the boys arrangements Qiao may also have been reflecting concern that Jiang and Li, neither of whom could be described as standard bearers of Deng Xiaoping's reforms, are in the process of consolidating their hold on power at the expense of the reformists.
At least, Qiao's publicly expressed reservations about the proposed new party structure seem to indicate that the reformists feel confident enough to make something of a stand now.
The issue will, theoretically, not have to be resolved until the latter part of next year before the 15th Communist party congress due late in 1997, but in reality such issues are usually thrashed out long in advance.
But Jiang, in his efforts to bolster his position, through revival of the chairman's position, may have overplayed his hand.
Qiao clearly is not going to allow such moves to be railroaded through.
