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How US President-elect Donald Trump's tariffs could backfire in the future

Beyond alienating friends and partners, Mr Trump's tariffs will probably fail to advance his apparent goal of reducing the US trade deficit

The US presidential elections, now a week away, could trigger a reordering in global trade, especially if Donald Trump is re-elected and ratchets up tariffs on China. This is raising expectations in India that it could benefit from an increase in US

Illustration: Binay Sinha

Takatoshi Ito

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US President-elect Donald Trump appears committed to imposing high tariffs on imports to the United States — or, at least, using the threat of tariffs to bend US trading partners to his will. Mr Trump now says he will enact a 25 per cent tariff on all imports from Canada and Mexico on his first day in office, and raise tariffs on goods from China by 10 per cent. And he has previously advocated 60-100 per cent tariffs on imports from China and 10-20 per cent tariffs on imports from all other countries, including allies.
 
Some countries will probably retaliate with tariffs of their own; others might try to negotiate exemptions, by offering to increase investment in the US or to import more US agricultural products. A third possible response — which is particularly relevant for China — is offshoring, with firms shifting production to countries that are subject to lower US tariffs. China is already laying the groundwork for such trade diversion: It has been pursuing a “charm offensive” with a wide range of countries, including US antagonists, such as Russia, to US allies, like Japan. For Russia, closer ties with China are an easy sell. In 2021-23, Russia’s exports to China rose by 63 per cent, while China’s exports to Russia increased 65 per cent, according to my calculation using the International Monetary Fund’s Direction of Trade Statistics (DOTS).
 
 
Beyond bilateral ties, China and Russia are working to strengthen trade and finance cooperation among the BRICS grouping of emerging-market economies (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa), which extended invitations to six new members last year (Argentina, Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates). Argentina ultimately rejected the invitation, and Saudi Arabia has put its plan to join on hold. But the BRICS+ has undoubtedly gained traction, and further expansion may well be in the cards.
 
Many countries have proved reluctant to “take sides” in the US-China rivalry, preferring to maintain trade ties with both the West and the China-Russia axis. This is true even among democracies: In 2021-23, total Russian exports to India rose by 606 per cent according to IMF DOTS, owing largely to the Ukraine war — in particular, Russia’s need to redirect energy exports to friendlier countries, often at cut-rate prices.
 
So far, however, India is more an exception than the rule among emerging and developing economies, whose exports to the West have grown faster than their exports to Russia and China. According to IMF DOTS, the Global South (emerging and developing countries other than China and Russia) increased exports to G7 countries by 13 per cent from 2021-23; exports to Russia and China increased by only 5 per cent in the same period. But this may well change if Trump imposes across-the-board import tariffs. China hopes to woo even close US allies. For example, it unilaterally reintroduced a short-term visa exemption for Japanese citizens.
 
In Europe, China has set its sights on Hungary, where the Chinese electric-vehicle maker BYD is building a new factory in Szeged — a bid to reduce its future tariff bill, no doubt. In fact, the European Union (and Japan) might be able to negotiate exemptions to Mr Trump’s tariffs, though this would not come for free, and any deal with China could still drive a wedge between the US and its closest allies.
 
Beyond alienating friends and partners, Mr Trump’s tariffs will probably fail to advance his apparent goal of reducing the US trade deficit. If other countries adopt retaliatory tariffs, total exports from the US — and global trade overall — may well decline. Moreover, high US tariffs would fuel domestic inflation, forcing the US Federal Reserve to raise interest rates, which would probably cause the US dollar to appreciate, causing exports to fall and imports to rise.
 
Of course, Mr Trump will point the finger elsewhere, accusing US trading partners of “dumping” goods or maintaining artificially low exchange rates. Some observers, including myself, speculate that Mr Trump’s pick for Treasury Secretary, Scott Bessent, might even call for a special G20 meeting to pressure other countries to revalue their currencies vis-à-vis the dollar, a move that would recall the 1985 Plaza Accord.
 
While Mr Trump appears eager to impose tariffs on everyone, China has always been his favourite target. The apparent goal of taxes and other restrictions — imposed by both Mr Trump and President Joe Biden — is to contain China’s rise, thereby preventing it from becoming a credible challenger to the US. But unless Mr Trump takes a prudent approach to tariffs on imports from the rest of the world, it is the US that will be contained, in terms of both economic dynamism and global influence.
 
The author, a former Japanese deputy vice minister of finance, is a professor at the School of International and Public Affairs at Columbia University.  ©Project Syndicate, 2024
Disclaimer: These are personal views of the writer. They do not necessarily reflect the opinion of www.business-standard.com or the Business Standard newspaper

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First Published: Dec 14 2024 | 12:35 AM IST

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