It has been clear for some time that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) did not want Rahul Gandhi in Parliament. If the Surat Metropolitan Magistrate's judgement had not facilitated his expulsion in a criminal defamation case, he might have faced the same fate at the hands of the Privileges Committee of the Lok Sabha. The BJP was seeking his expulsion through the committee for criticising Prime Minister Modi in the House without following proper procedure.
The eviction of Rahul Gandhi from Parliament has been made easier by the Surat Court sentencing him to 2 years in jail. The alacrity shown in disqualifying him as an MP suggests nervousness in the BJP about Rahul Gandhi. After the Bharat Jodo Yatra (BJY), Rahul Gandhi's leadership seemed to have acquired a new potential. He has also been at the forefront in Parliament in alleging a link between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the fortunes of Gujarati businessman Gautam Adani– a direct attack on its leader which the BJP found hard to accept. Rahul Gandhi's profile as a democratic leader and a credible foil to Prime Minister Modi also gained traction abroad. International media was becoming critical of the erosion of democracy in India. Even as the carefully crafted image of Prime Minister Modi began to show cracks, Rahul Gandhi's forays undermined the BJP's no-alternative-to-Modi narrative.
In his first press conference after his disqualification, Rahul Gandhi continued to be combative, claiming that his disqualification and the allegations against him were aimed at "distracting people from the Adani issue." Once again, tearing into the Modi government, he asked, "Who invested Rs 20,000 crore ($3 billion) in Adani's shell companies? Whose money is this?" Responding to the BJP's call for an apology, he retorted, "My name is not Savarkar. I am a Gandhi. I won't apologise."
Under these circumstances, the BJP would like to nip Rahul Gandhi's burgeoning leadership profile in the bud and push public opinion into once again accepting its old propaganda, rubbishing Rahul Gandhi as a naïve leader with no vision. If successful, it could prevent the Congress leader from becoming a rallying point on the Adani issue. However, if they can leverage it, Rahul's disqualification may turn out to be an unintentional gift to the Congress and the Opposition by the BJP.
The Congress party today is at an inflexion point. It has an opportunity to rise from the ashes. The disqualification of Rahul Gandhi from Parliament can reinforce the party's newfound commitment to the path of political struggle by hitting the streets. For the last decade or so, Congress' politics had become largely Delhi-centric, hoping that its political fortunes would improve by changing key leadership positions in its organisational structure. However, the shortcut of replacing one leader with another at the Centre or in the states has not worked. However, the BJY's success has shown that there is an alternative for the party -- to go back to the people to regain their confidence. Now, it has an additional political incentive to do that.
Being disqualified from Parliament is not a disadvantage for a political leader. The Congress can question Rahul Gandhi's expulsion through the legal process but also encourage the people to think whether the reasons for it are capricious or worse. To Rahul Gandhi himself, it should not matter. Whether being an MP adds more aura to his leadership than being disqualified post-haste is a moot point. Some political observers believe Parliament has become largely dysfunctional as it discourages debate (the Finance Bill, for example, was passed in nine minutes without any debate) and has become just an enabler of partisan policies and legislation. If the BJY is anything to go by, Rahul Gandhi does not need to be in Parliament to spread political awareness.
If the party can convince the masses that the humiliation of Rahul Gandhi is the result of his speaking out against the BJP's crony capitalism, its divisive majoritarianism, its inability to handle the economy and its undermining of democratic institutions, then this is a unique opportunity to struggle against the party.
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Up to now, the Opposition was pulling in different directions. However, Rahul Gandhi's exit from Parliament may have finally rung the alarm bells. The vocal critics of the Congress – Mamata Banerjee of the Trinamool Congress, Akhilesh Yadav of the Samajwadi Party, K Chandrasekhar Rao of the Bharat Rashtra Samithi (BRS) and Arvind Kejriwal of the Aam Adami Party – have come out to express solidarity and "pledged to fight" the BJP together. Thus, Banerjee tweeted, "Opposition leaders have become the prime targets of the BJP. … today we have witnessed a new low for our Constitutional democracy." Akhilesh Yadav reminded the government that the political challenge to it would not end by removing Rahul Gandhi as MP. BRS Chief Chandrasekhar Rao described the disqualification as "a black day in the history of Indian democracy" and accused the Modi government of using Parliament "for its nefarious activities." Even the inveterate critic of the Congress, Arvind Kejriwal, described the move as "cowardice" and claimed, "Everyone has come together. This battle is not Rahul Gandhi's battle. This battle is not the Congress' battle. This battle is to save the country from a dictatorship."
This by no means indicates anything like a pre-poll Opposition alliance. Some of these parties will position themselves electorally against the Congress in their respective states, but the prospect of hanging separately has forced them to try and hang together. Those regional leaders who had tempered their criticism, buying insurance that government agencies would not touch them, would now think twice about whether they are safe. They have now taken the first steps towards creating a public sentiment that there can be an alternative politics to that of the BJP at the national level coordinated by leaders with regional influence. This change in perception is a political gift that has been served to the Opposition on a platter.
Disclaimer: These are the personal opinions of the writer. They do not reflect the views of www.business-standard.com or the Business Standard newspaper